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ENGLISH  HISTORY  BY  CONTEMPORARY 

WRITERS. 

EDITED  BY  F.  YORK  POWELL. 

L  EDWARD  in.  AND  HIS  WARS.  By  W.  J.  Ashley, 

of  Lincoln  College,  Oxford. 
II.  THE  MISRULE    OF  HENRY   III.   By  the  Rev.  W. 
H.  HuTTON,  M.A. 

III.  SIMON  OF  MONTFORT  AND  HIS  CAUSE.  By  the 
Rev.  J.  HuTTON,  of  St.  John's  College,  Oxford. 

IV.  STRONGBOW'S  CONQUEST  OF  IRELAND.  By 
Francis  Pierrepont  Barnard,  M.A.,  Head  Master  of 
Reading  School. 

TO    BE   FOLLOWED    BY 

BRITAIN  UNDER  THE  ROMANS.     By  C.  I.  Elton. 

THE  LITTLE  ENGLISH  KINGDOM.  By  F.  York 
Powell. 

THE  DANISH  SEA  KINGS  AND  THEIR  SETTLE- 
MENTS.    By  F.  York  Powell. 

HENRY  IL,  STATESMAN  AND  REFORMER.  By  T. 
A.  Archer. 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS,  Publishers. 

New  York :  London : 

27  and  29  West  Twenty-third  St.  27  King  William  St.,  Strand. 


ENGLISH    HISTORY 
FROM    CONTEMPORARY    WRITERS 


of  Irjelatt^ 


ENGUSH  HISTORY  FROM  CONTEMPORARY 
WRITERS. 

The  series,  of  which  the  present  volume  is  one,  aims  at  setting 
forth  the  facts  of  our  National  History,  pohtical  and  social,  in  a 
way  not  yet  systematically  tried  in  this  country,  but  somewhat 
like  that  which  Messrs.  Hachette  have  successfully  wrought  out 
in  France  under  the  editorship  of  MM.  Zeller,  Darsy,  Luchaire, 
etc.  It  is  planned  not  only  for  educational  use  but  for  the 
general  reader,  and  especially  for  all  those  to  whom  the  original 
contemporary  authorities  are  for  various  reasons  difficult  of  access. 

To  each  well-defined  period  of  our  history  is  given  a  little 
volume  made  up  of  extracts  from  the  chronicles,  state  papers, 
memoirs,  and  letters  of  the  time,  as  also  from  other  contempo- 
rary literature,  the  whole  chronologically  arranged  and  chosen 
so  as  to  give  a  living  picture  of  the  effect  produced  upon  each 
generation  by  the  political,  religious,  social,  and  intellectual 
movements  in  which  it  took  part. 

Extracts  from  foreign  tongues  are  Englished,  and  passages 
from  old  English  authors  put  into  modern  spelling,  but  otherwise 
as  far  as  may  be  kept  in  original  form.  When  needed  a  glossary 
is  added  and  brief  explanatory  notes.  To  each  volume  is  also 
appended  a  short  account  of  the  writers  quoted  and  of  their 
relations  to  the  events  they  describe,  as  well  as  such  tables  and 
summaries  as  may  facilitate  reference.  Such  illustrations  as  are 
given  are  chosen  in  the  same  spirit  as  the  text,  and  represent 
monuments,  documents,  sites,  portraits,  coins,  etc. 

The  chief  aim  of  the  series  is  to  send  the  reader  to  the  best 
original  authorities,  and  so  to  bring  him  as  close  as  may  be  to 
the  mind  and  feelings  of  the  times  he  is  reading  about. 

No  definite  chronological  system  of  issue  is  adopted,  but  it  is 
hoped  that  the  entire  period  of  Mediaeval  and  Renaissance  his- 
tory may  be  covered  in  the  space  of  two  or  three  years, 
F.  YORK  POWELL, 

Editor  of  the  Series, 

Ch,  Ch,t  Oxford,  1888 


U  'J.;;, 


LOWER  LI6RAI 
HISTORY 


ENGLISH    HISTORY    FROM    CONTEMPO- 
RARY   WRITERS 


of  %vidun& 


Translations  from  the  works  of  Gerald  of  Barri,  Roger  of 
Ho-wden,  Benedict  of  Peterborough  {Richard  Fitz-Neal),  Wil- 
liam of  Newbury,  Ralph  of  Dissay,  Robert  of  St.  Michael's 
Mount,  Gervase  of  Canterbury,  Ralph  Niger,  and  Gervase  of 
Tilbury,  The  Archives  of  Dublin,  The  Annals  of  Boyle,  The 
Anglo-Norman  Poem  on  the  Conquest  known  as  ''''Regan,''  and 
Extracts  from  0' Donovan's  versions  of  the  Annals  of  the  Four 
Masters  ajzd  of  the  Annals  of  Innis fallen,  Hennessy's  version 
of  the  Annals  of  Loch  Ce,  Mageoghegan's  version  of  the  An- 
nals of  Clonmacnoise,  an  English  rendering  of  the  Annals  of 
Ulster,  Carew's  Prose  Abstract  of  ^^  Regan,"  and  other  con-  r^CJ'T'/^^ 
temporary  records.  ^^     }'  ^f^ 

WITH  ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  MAP  <^- 


BY 


FRANCIS    PIERREPONT    BARNARD,    Mf^., 

Head  Master  of  Reading  School. 


c^i0' 


NEW   YORK   AND   LONDON 

G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

S^c  %nuktxhathtt  ^ress 

1888 


/5  2J 


Press  of 

G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 

New  York 


PREFACE.      " 

"  Ilia  ego  sum  Graiis  olim  glacialis  leme 
Dicta,  et  Jasoniae  puppis  bene  cognita  nautis." 

This  little  book  deals  with  an  event  of  permanent 
interest  to  us  It  tells  the  story  of  the  first  contact 
between  the  newly  organized  feudalism  of  Anglo- 
Norman  England  and  the  far  older  and  more  primitive 
civilization  of  the  last  mdependent  Keltic  states. 
The  period  embraced  is  from  AD  1166  to  1186,  and 
the  accounts  reproduced  are  taken  from  the  best 
available  original  authorities  on  both  sides,  including 
some  hitherto  unpublished  MSS.  To  the  general 
reader  it  will  not  be  found  wholly  uninstructive  to 
read  the  history  of  the  earliest  political  connection  of 
England  with  Ireland. 

In  the  translations  an  attempt  has  been  made  to 
reproduce  the  spirit  and  literary  peculiarities  of  the 
authors,  even  though  at  times  the  result  undoubtedly 
inclines  to  the  grotesque.  What  Kingsley  said  of  the 
old  Teuton  invaders  of  the  Roman  Empire,  is  true  of 
the  mediaeval  chronicler ;  in  his  mental  attitude  he  is 
like  a  big  boy,  half  a  man,  half  a  child.  One  must, 
therefore,  in  the  following  pages  be  prepared  to  expect 
deviations  from  sober  history ;  indeed,  the  "  Expug- 
natio "  of  Giraldus  Cambrensis,  who  is  by  far  the 
most  important  authority,  illustrates  this  characteristic 


3975 


VI  -  PREFACE. 

to  extravagance,  and  is  a  remarkable  farrago  of  history, 
poetry,  acuteness,  credulity,  egotism,  zeal  for  the 
cloth,  kinsman-worship,  fairness,  partiality,  good 
nature,  malignity,  and  pomposity,  adorned  with  a 
medley  of  alliteration,  conceits,  puns,  wit,  satire, 
humour,  sometimes  sheer  buffoonery,  and  now  and 
then  downright  nonsense.  Truly  a  wTiter  ttolklXoijlvOos. 
With  regard  to  Gerald's  excerpts  from  the  classics, 
even  when  he  is  evidently  using  texts  such  as  we 
have  now,  his  quotations  are  frequently  not  verbatim. 
Possibly  in  many  instances  he  relied  on  his  memory, 
but  a  considerable  number  of  passages  are  wittingly 
altered  and  adapted  without  scruple  to  suit  the 
requirements  of  the  moment.  It  is  necessary  to  add 
a  word  of  warning  against  accepting  his  personal 
descriptions  as  entirely  just.  Praise  or  abuse  must 
be  discounted  according  as  the  character  under  dis- 
section is  that  of  a  Geraldine  or  not 

There  is  a  class  of  readers  whom  I  have  hoped  to 
secure — learners.  Some  experience  in  school  work 
has  led  me  to  believe  that  a  short  historical  "  period  " 
or  monograph,  or  a  tractate  on  social  economy,  forms 
the  best  peg  on  which  to  hang  the  extra  lessons  to 
which  most  schoolmasters  nowadays  devote  perhaps  a 
couple  of  hours  a  week ;  hours  likely  to  be  none  the 
less  profitable  and  popular  because  they  are  not  as  a 
rule  overshadowed  by  the  looming  terrors  of  a  coming 
examination. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Introduction          . .            . .             . .            . .            . .            . .  7 

1 166    How  Dertnot  went  into  exile,  and  how  he  was  restored  to  his 

dominions  by  the  king  of  the  English . .             . .             . .  8 

1166  orOi  the  return  of  Dermot  through  Greater  Britain       ..             .  11 
1167 

1 169  The  coming  of  Robert  Fitz-Stephen  and  the  taking  of  Wexford  13 
Of  the  conquest  of  the  men  of  Ossory    . .             . .             . .  16 

Another  account  of  the  conquest  of  Ossory  . .             . .             . .  18 

Another  account  of  the  conquest  of  Ossory,  continued    . .  20 

Defection  of  Maurice  de  Prendergast                           . .             . .  22 

League  of  all  Ireland  against  Dermot  and  Robert  Fitz-Stephen  24 

A  description  of  Dermot            . .             . .             . .             . .  26 

Hew  peace  was  re-established  ..  ..  ..  ..27 

The  coming  of  Maurice  Fitz-Gerald  and  the  reduction  of  Dublin  28 

Of  the  preparations  of  earl  Richard        . .             . .             .  •  29 

1 170  The  coming  of  Reimund  Fitz-Gerald  and  the  defeat  of  the  men 

of  Waterford  at  Dundunnolf         . .             . .             . .             . .  32 

The  coming  of  the  earl  and  the  taking  of  Waterford         . .  34 

Of  the  storming  of  the  city  of  Dublin            . .             . .             •  •  37 

The  Council  at  Armagh             . .             . .             . .             . .  38 

Convocation  of  the  clergy  at  Clonfert           . .             . .             . .  39 

[Henry  II  becomes  jealous  of  the  success  of  the  adventurers]  40 

U71     Death  of  Dermot,  king  of  Leinster          ..             ..             ••  4° 

Overthrow  of  the  Ostmen  at  Dublin               ..             ••              ••  41 

The  speech  of  Fitz- Maurice  advising  the  sally  from  Dublin  44 

The  sally  from  Dublin                . .             . .             . .             . .  46 

The  treacherous  capture  of  Fitz-Stephen  at  "The  Crag  "         . .  48 

A  description  of  the  earl             . .             . .             •  •             .  •  5° 

How  the  Irish  fanned   the   king's  jealousy  with  complaints 

against  Strongbow  . .  .  •  .  •  •  •  "5^ 

Of  the  meeting  of  the  earl  with  the  king  of  the  English    . .  51 

[Most  of  the  princes  of  Ireland  do  homage  to  Henrj'  II]         . .  53 

1171  i^r  The  Synod  of  Cashel  ..             ..             ..             ••             ••  54 

1172     [Henry  II  winters  at  Dublin!           ....  §5 


viii  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

First  Dublin  charter  of  Henry  11            . .             . .  . .              58 

Second  Dublin  charter  of  Henry  II               ..             ..  ..       59 

Of  the  storms                . .             . .             . .             . .  .  •              60 

Grant  of  Meath  to  Hugh  de  Laci   ..             ..             ..  ..62 

Letter  from  pope  Alexander  III  to  the  Irish  bishops  ..               63 

Of  the  treachery  and  death  of  O'Ruarc,  king  of  Meath  . .       64 

The  death  of  O'Ruarc.     An  Irish  account            ..  ..               67 

A  description  of  Maurice  Fitz-Gerald            ..             .,  ..       67 

A  description  of  Henry  II,  king  of  the  English   ,.  ..               68 

1 1 74  Disastrous  incursion  into  Munster  by  the  earl             ..  ..       75 
1 1 74  or  The  granting  of  a  bull  of  privileges  by  Alexander  III  . .              76 

1 1 75  [The  bull  "  Laudabiliter "  of  Adrian  IV]       ..             ..  ••       11 
1175    The  famous  storming  of  Limerick           ..             ..  ..              80 

A  description  of  Reimund  Fitz-Gerald           ..             ..  ..83 

A  description  of  Meiler  Fitz-Henry        ..             ..  ..              84 

Roderic  pays  tribute            ..              ..             ..              ..  ..85 

A  description  of  Hervey  de  Montmaurice             ..  ..              85 

T176     Relief  of  the  garrison  which  had  been  left  at  Limerick  . .       87 

The  speech  of  Donnell,  king  of  Ossory  . .              . .  . .               88 

Concerning  the  announcement  to  Reimund  of  the  death  of  the 

earl      . .              . .             . .             . .             . .             . .  . .       90 

[Irish  account  of  the  death  of  the  ear^   . .             . .  . .              91 

The  burning  of  Limerick  and  the  burial  of  the  earl    ..  . .       91 

[Gerald's  eulogy  of  his  kinsmen]              . .              . ,  . .               93 

A  description  of  Fitz-Aldelm             . .              . .             . .  . .       94 

1177     Concerning  the  invasion  of  Ulster  by  John  de  Courci,  and  the 

doings  of  Vivianus  the  legate                ..             ..  ..               96 

Victory  of  John  de  Courci  at  Downpatrick  . .             . .  . .       98 

A  description  of  John  de  Courci               ..             ..  ..               99 

Invasion  of  Connaught  by  Milo  de  Cogan     . .             . .  . .      loi 

A  description  of  Robert  Fitz-Stephen..                 ..  ..             102 

How  peace  and  order  were  established  in  the  realm  of  Ireland 

by  Hugh  de  Laci             . .             . .             . .             .  •  . .     108 

Grant  of  land  by  Hugh  de  Laci  to  William  the  Little  . .            no 

A  description  of  Hugh  de  Laci         ..             ..             ..  ..     in 

1178    The  two  defeats  of  de  Courci  in  Ulster  . .             ..  ..            103 

Irish  prelates  start  to  attend  the  Lateran  Council      . .  . .     105 

1 180  Death  of  Laurence,  archbishop   of  Dublin,  at  Eu,  and  suc- 

cession of  John  Comyn           .,             ..             ..  ..             113 

1181  The  coming  of  John  the  constable  and  Richard  de  Pec  ..     112 

1182  Assassination  of  Milo  de  Cogan  :  Irish  account  ..             105 
Assassination  of  Milo  de  Cogan  :  English  account     . .  . .     196 


CONTENTS.  ix 

PAGE 

[184    The  sending  of  John,  archbishop  of  Dublin,  into  Ireland        ..     n6 
The  coming  into  Ireland  of  John,  the  king's  son  . .  116 

[185    Prince  John's  Dublin  charter  ..  ..  ..  ..     1x9 

Ale  and  metheglin  customs  granted  by  John  to  the  canons  of 
St.  Thomas' Church,  Dublin . .  ..  ..  ..  iig 

[The  same  confirmed]         . .  . .  . .  , ,  . .     120 

Irish  account  of  the  administration  of  prince  John  . .  121 

The  ill-government  of  prince  John  ..  ..  ..  ..121 

Of  the  credit  due  to  Fitz-Stephen,  the  earl,  and  the  king,  and 

how  far  they  may  be  acquitted  of  certain  charges  . .  122 

Of  the  lets  and  delays  to  the  full  and  perfect  conquest  of  Ireland     123 
The  causes  of  the  untoward  events  . . 
Of  the  three  parties  among  the  invaders  at  this  time 

[186    Assassisation  of  Hugh  de  Laci :  English  account 
Assassination  of  Hugh  de  Laci :  Irish  accoxmt    . . 
A  defeat  of  John  de  Courci 
Some  results  of  the  conquest     .. 
[Conclusion  of  the  Strongbow  period  of  the  conquest] 
How  the  Irish  race  might  be  completely  conquered 
How  Ireland  should  be  governed    . . 


Of  the  character,  customs,  and   external  appearance  of  the 

Irish             ..             ..             ..             ..             ..             ..  146 

Of  the  matchless  skill  of  this  nation  in  instrumental  music     . .  150 

Of  the  villainy  and  foul  duplicity  of  the  Irish      . .             . .  155 

Of  the  axe  which  they  ever  bear  in  their  hands,  as  though  it 

might  be  a  staff                . .             . .             . .             . .             •  •  155 

Of  a  strange  and  monstrous  way  of  inaugurating  a  king  . .  156 
Of  the  many  unbaptized  in  the  island,  who  have  not  yet  arrived 

at  the  knowledge  of  the  faith        ..  ..  ..  ..157 

Of  the  clergy  of  Ireland,  and  how  they  are  praiseworthy  in 

many  respects            ..             ..             .,             ..             ..  160 

Of  a  sarcastic  retort  of  the  archbishop  of  Cashel        . .             . .  161 

Of  a  great  lake  which  had  a  miraculous  origin  . ,  . .  162 
Of  the  Giants'  Dance,  which  was  taken  over  from  Ireland  to 

Britain                 ..             ..             ..             ..             ..             ..  164 

Of  reptiles  and  the   lack   of  them  in  Ireland,  and  how  no 

venomous  creatures  are  found  there    . .             . .             .  •  165 

How  the  dust  of  this  land  is  fatal  to  poisonous  reptiles            . .  167 

Of  the  shoe-latchets  of  Ireland,  which  are  opposed  to  poisons  168 

Of  a  frog  lately  found  in  Ireland             ..             ..             ..  169 

Of  the  isle  of  Man,  which  inasmuch  as  it  harbours  poisonous 

reptiles  is  regarded  as  belonging  to  Britain  . .  . .  170 
Of  two  islands,  in  one  of  which  no  one  dies ;  while  into  the 

Other  no  living  creature  of  the  female  sex  can  enter      . .  171 


CONTENTS, 


Of  an  island  one  part  of  which  is  frequented  by  good  the  other 

by  evil  spirits    .             ..                        ..             ..             ..  172 

Of  an  island  where  corpses  exposed  to  the  air  do  not  decay    . .  174 

Of  the  wondrous  nature  of  some  fountains            ..            ..  174 

Of  a  fish  which  had  three  golden  teeth         ..             ..             ..  175 

Of  an  island  which  at  first  floated,  but  was  at  length  firmly 

fixed  by  means  of  fire             ..             ..             ..             ..  175 

Of  miracles  ,  and  first  of  the  apples  of  St.  Kevin       . .             . .  176 

Of  the  fleas  which  were  banished  by  St.  Nannan              . .  177 

Of  bells  and  staves  and  other  similar  relics  of  the  saints  . .  178 
Of  that  most  potent  relic  known  as  the  staff  of  Jesus  ;  and  how 

a  priest  was  visited  with  a  twofold  affliction  . .  . .  178 
Of  the  crucifix  at  Dublin  which  spoke  and  bore  witness  to  the 

truth     ..  ..  ..  ..  ..  ..  .,180 

Of  St.  Colman's  teal,  which  are  tame  and  cannot  be  harmed  181 

Of  the  archers  at  Finglas  who  were  punished  by  Heaven  . .  183 
Of  various  miracles  in  Kildare ;  and  first  of  the  fire  that  never 

goes  out,  and  the  ashes  which  do  not  increase                . .  184 

How  the  fire  is  kept  up  by  Bridget  herself  on  her  own  night  . .  185 
Concerning  the  hedge  set  around  the  fire,  within  which  no  male 

may  go         ..             ..             ..             ..             ..             ..  185 

Of  an  archer  who  leapt  over  St.  Bridget's  hedge  and  went 

raving  mad  ;  and  of  another  who  lost  the  use  of  his  leg  . .  186 
That  the  saints  of  this  land  appear  to  be  of  a   vindictive 

disposition  ..             ..             ..             ..             ..             ..  187 

Of  St.  Kevin's  gentleness  . .             . .             . .             . .             . .  187 

Of  the  wonderful  sanctuaries  provided  by  the  saints        . .  188 

Of  the  salmon  leap              . .             . .             . .             . .             . .  190 

How  the  salmon  leap  . .             . .             . .             . .             . .  191 

That  the  bodies  of  S.S.  Patrick,  Columba,  and  Bridget,  which 

lay  at  the  city  of  Down  in  Ulster,  were  in  these  our  days 

discovered  and  translated              ..             ..             ..             ..  192 


APPENDIX. 

I.    Genealogical  tables  of  the  Geraldines  and  their  kinsfolk       . .  193 
II.    Lists  of  the  adventurers,  royal  officers,  and  others  engaged  in  the 

conquest    ..             .,             ..             ..             ..             ..  ..      19? 

III.    Lists  of  the  Irish  and  Norse  chieftains  and  notables               ..  198 

IV.    The  Irish  episcopate  at  the  time  of  the  invasion               . .  . .     199 

V.    Map  of  Ireland  in  the  time  of  Henry  II,  territorial  divisions  and 

chief  towns              ..             .               ..             ..             ..  ..     200 

VI.   The  authorities  . .            . .            . .            . .             . .            . .  202 


LIST   OF    ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 

I.  Strongbow's  Castle  of  Ghepstow,       Frontispiece 

II.  Map  of  Ireland 7 

III.  The  Rock  of  Cashel 54 

IV.  Seal  of  Henry  II.,  from  Original  in* British 

Museum 68 

V.    Tomb  of  Strongbow  and  Eva  his  Wife  in 

Christ  Church  Cathedral,  Dublin  .        .  92 

VI.     Danish  Axe 148 

VII.     Modern  Irish  Coracle 158 

VIII.    Round  Tower  at  the  Rock  of  Cashel        ,  163 


$relanti. 


[Introduction]. 

Wilelm.  Newburg.  Hist.  Rer.  Anglic,  sub  anno  1 1 70. 

In  considering  the  history  of  this  land  we  are  at  once 
struck  with  the  following  remarkable  fact.  Whereas 
Greater  Britain,  an  island  like  itself  lying  in  the 
ocean,  and  at  no  great, distance,  has  been  the  scene 
of  so  many  and  such  mighty  wars,  has  been  so  often 
the  victim  of  the  depredations  of  foreign  races,  has 
been  so  frequently  forced  to  bow  the  neck  to  an  alien 
sway,  has  been  taken  and  held  first  by  the  Romans, 
then  by  the  Germans,  again  by  the  Danes,  and  lasdy 
by  the  Normans,  Ireland  was  left  untouched  even  by 
Rome,  Rome  who  extended  her  dominion  right  away 
to  the  inaccessible  region  of  the  Orkneys.  Few  and 
faint  in  the  past  have  been  the  attacks  from  outside 
upon  this  isle  of  Ireland.  Never  did  it  know  sub- 
jection, never  did  it  lie  prostrate  at  a  conqueror's  feet, 
until  the  year  from  the  Birth  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
one  hundred  and  seventy-one.* 

***** 
*  When  Henry  II.  went  over. 


8  KING  DERMOT  GOES  INTO  EXILE.        1166 

Ireland,  like  England  in  days  of  old,  was  split  up 
into  several  states,  each  with  its  king,  and  the  whole 
country  was  rent  by  the  discord  which  generally  pre- 
vailed among  them.  In  proportion  as  the  realm  was 
free  from  external  aggression,  so  much  the  more 
miserably  were  the  natives  commonly  engaged  in 
tearing  the  bowels  of  their  fatherland  by  their  intestine 
feuds. 

A.D.  1166. — How  Dermot  went  into  exile,  and  how 
he  w^as  restored  to  his  dominions  by  the  king 
of  the  English. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  i.  cap.  i. 
(Dermot,  king  of  Leinster,  reigned  from  1135  to  1171.) 

Dermot  Mac  Murrough,  prince  of  the  men  of 
Leinster,  which  is  one  of  the  five  divisions  of  Ireland, 
possessed  within  our  times  tfie  eastern  seaboard  of 
the  island,  over  against  Greater  Britain,  and  separated 
from  it  only  by  the  sea  which  flows  between.  Owing 
to  his  youth  and  inexperience  in  rule,  he  became  an 
oppressor  of  the  nobility,  and  began  to  tyrannize  in  a 
grievous  and  intolerable  manner  over  the  great  men 
of  his  land.  This  of  itself  brought  him  trouble,  which 
another  circumstance  contributed  to  increase;  for  he 
eloped  with  the  wife  *  of  O'Ruarc,  prince  of  the  men 
of  Meathjt  while  the  latter  was  absent  on  a  distant 

*  Devorgilla.  This  was  in  1152,  and  although  it  could 
scarcely  have  been  the  immediate  cause  of  the  expulsion  of 
Dermot  fourteen  years  later,  it  possibly  laid  the  foundations  of 
the  feud  which  led  up  to  that  event. 

t  Strictly  speaking,  prince  of  Breifny  and  East  Meath.  He 
was  nicknamed  " monoculus,"  "the  one-eyed." 


ii66        KING  DERMOT  GOES  INTO  EXILE.  9 

expedition.  '  Fickle  and  changeable  is  woman  ever,'  * 
and  it  is  clear  that  from  woman — Mark  Antony  and 
Troy  can  bear  witness  to  the  fact — almost  all  the 
greater  evils  of  the  world  have  come. 

King  O'Ruarc  was  heart-struck  both  by  his  shame 
and  by  his  loss,  though  he  felt  the  former  far  more 
deeply  than  the  latter,  and  in  the  bitterness  of  his  wrath 
was  bent  upon  revenge.  He  forthwith  summoned 
and  gathered  together  the  strength  of  the  neighbouring 
tribes  as  well  as  his  own  forces,  and  aroused  to  the 
same  enterprise  even  Roderic,  prince  of  the  men  of 
Connaught,  then  high-king  of  all  Ireland.  Now  the 
chief  men  of  Leinster  seeing  in  what  straits  their 
prince  was  placed,  that  he  was  beset  on  all  sides  by 
the  battalions  of  his  foes,  began  to  call  to  mind  their 
own  claims  of  vengeance  for  the  grievances  they  had 
long  smothered  in  their  breasts ;  so  that  being  now  of 
one  mind  with  the  enemy  they  deserted  Mac  Mur- 
rough  in  this  the  hour  of  his  misfortune. 

Dermot,  finding  that  his  resources  were  falling 
away  upon  every  side,  that  Fortune  had  turned  her 
face  from  him,  and  that  his  position  was  becoming 
desperate,  after  many  fierce  but  unsuccessful  en- 
counters with  his  adversaries,  at  length  resolved,  as 
his  last  chance  of  safety,  to  take  ship  and  flee  beyond 
the  sea.  The  issue  of  events  has  often  shown  that  it 
is  safer  to  rule  over  willing  subjects  than  over  such  as 
are  disaffected.  Nero  found  this  out,  Domitian  too ; 
and  in  our  own  times  Henry,  duke  of  Saxony  and 

*  Verg.  ^n,  iv.  569. 


I O      DERMOT  WELL  RECEIVED  B  V  HENR  V.    1 1 66 

Bavaria.*  Better  it  is  for  any  prince  to  be  more  loved 
than  feared  by  those  who  are  set  under  him;  it  is 
expedient,  however,  that  he  be  feared  as  well,  pro- 
vided that  the  fear  proceed  rather  from  good-will  than 
from  coercion. 

Meanwhile  Dermot,  in  the  pursuit  of  Fortune  that 
had  fled  from  him,  and  strong  in  his  hope  for  some 
happy  turn  of  her  wheel,  ploughed  through  the  sea 
with  all  sail  set  and  with  the  winds  blowing  fair  in 
answer  to  his  prayers,  and  came  to  Henry  II.,  king  of 
the  English,  for  the  purpose  of  earnestly  imploring  aid. 
Although  the  king  was  in  the  far  part  of  his  realm, 
over  sea,  in  Aquitanian  Gaul,  and  much  engaged  in 
business,  as  kings  are  wont  to  be,  yet  he  received  him 
kindly  and  graciously  enough,  with  that  affability  and 
courtesy  which  was  inborn  in  him.  Then  on  hearing 
the  cause  of  his  exile  and  the  reason  of  his  coming 
over,  he  accepted  his  bond  of  allegiance  and  oath  of 
fealty,  and  granted  him  letters  patent  to  the  following 
effect : — "  Henry,  king  of  England,  duke  of  Normandy 
and  Aquitaine,  and  count  of  Anjou,  to  all  his  liege- 
men, English,  Normans,  Welsh  and  Scots,  and  to  all 
nations  subject  to  his  sway  sends  greeting.  Whenso- 
ever these  our  letters  shall  come  unto  you,  know  ye 
that  we  have  taken  Dermot,  prince  of  the  men  of 
Leinster,  into  the  bosom  of  our  grace  and  goodwill. 
Wherefore,  too,  whosoever  within  the  bounds  of  our 
dominions  shall  be  willing  to  lend  aid  to  him,  as  being 

*  Henry  the  Lion.  He  was  deposed  in  1180  by  the  emperor 
Frederic  I.  (Barbarossa),  on  a  charge  of  having  overstrained 
his  power. 


1 166  or  1 167     DERMOT  RETURNS  TO  ENGLAND.     1 1 

our  vassal  and  liegeman,  in  the  recovery  of  his  own, 
let  him  know  that  he  hath  our  favour  and  permission 
to  that  end." 


A.D.  1166  or  1167.— Of  the  return  of  Dermot  through 
Greater  Britain. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibein.  Lib.  I.  cap.  ii. 
So  Dermot,  returning  through  Greater  Britain, 
betook  himself  to  the  noble  town  of  Bristol ;  *  and 
honoured  and  loaded  though  he  had  been  with  many 
gifts  by  the  royal  munificence,  yet  he  was  buoyed  up 
far  more  by  hope  than  by  any  actual  assistance  he 
had  yet  obtained.  There,  spending  his  money  right 
royally,  he  stayed  for  some  time,  on  account  of  the 
frequent  service  of  ships  between  that  port  and 
Ireland :  in  this  way  he  hoped  to  hear  what  was 
doing  in  his  own  realm  and  among  his  own  people. 
While  there  he  often  had  the  royal  letters  read  in 
public,  and  made  liberal  offers  both  of  land  and 
money  to  many  persons,  but  without  effect.  At  last 
Richard,  earl  of  Strigul,t  came  to  treat  with  him ; 
when  after  a  lengthy  conference  it  was  agreed  that 
the  earl  on  his  part  should  in  the  coming  spring 
assist  him  to  regain  his  own,  while  Dermot  pledged 
himself  faithfully  to  give  his  eldest  daughter  to  the 

*  Then  the  third  city  of  England  in  importance  :  Norwich 
being  the  second  and  London  the  first.  While  at  Bristol  Dermot 
stayed  in  the  house  of  one  Robert  Harding  (Herdin)  at  St. 
Austins. 

t  See  Note  on  him,  Book  L  chap.  xii.  of  Gerald. 


12     DERMOT  CROSSES  TO  IRELAND.     1166^1167 

earl    as   wife,   together   with   the   succession   to   his 
kingdom.* 

Matters  being  thus  arranged,  Dermot,  drawn  by 
that  love  for  one's  native  soil  which  is  natural  to  all, 
was  fired  with  a  yearning  to  see  his  fatherland,  and 
without  further  delay  went  on  to  St.  David's  in  South 
Wales.  From  here  to  Leinster  over  the  intervening 
sea  is  but  one  day's  sail ;  indeed,  the  opposite  coasts 
are  within  sight  of  each  other.  Everybody  knows 
that  at  that  time  Rhys  ap  Griffith  was  prince  in  those 
parts  under  the  overlordship  of  the  king,  and  that 
David,  second  of  his  name,  was  bishop  of  St.  David's.f 
Each  of  them  showed  much  kindly  sympathy  with  the 
misfortunes  of  the  exiled  prince. 

(Through  the  mediation  of  the  bishop  of  St.  David's,  a  con- 
tract was  made  v/ith  king  Dermot,  by  which  Robert  Fitz- 
Stephen  and  Maurice  Fitz-Gerald  engaged  to  help  him  in  the 
ensuing  spring  to  recover  his  territories.  Dermot,  however,  in 
his  impatience  crossed  to  Ireland  at  the  first  opportunity  \Atig.^ 
1 167],  but  passed  the  winter  quietly  at  Ferns,  then  the  capital 
of  Leinster,  where  he  found  an  asylum  in  the  monastery.  He 
seems  to  have  taken  with  him  as  a  protection  one  Richard 
Fitz-Godobert,  a  knight  of  Pembrokeshire,  and  a  few  English 
soldiers,  "seventy  heroes,  dressed  in  coats  of  mail"  \Four 
Masters\  But  Roderic,  the  high-king,  forced  him  to  send  his 
new  allies  back,  after  which  he  was  apparently  allowed  to  remain 
unmolested  in  his  hereditary  province  of  Kenceleia  during  the 
year  I168,  his  appeal  for  English  aid  having  possibly  frightened 
his  enemies.      Meanwhile  he  was  waiting  his  time  for  revenge.) 

*  According  to  Brehon  law  Dermot  had  no  right  to  make 
such  an  arrangement. 

t  This  was  David  Fitz-Gerald,  uncle  of  Gerald  de  Barri,  and 
first  bishop  of  St.  David's  (Menevia)  :  his  predecessors  had  been 
archbishops.  Archbishop  David  I.  was  St=  David,  the  first 
occupant  of  the  see. 


ii69        THE  LANDING   OF  FITZ-STEPHEN  1 3 

A.D.  1169. — The   coming  of  Fitz-Stephen  and  the 
taking  of  "Wexford. 

Girald.  Cambr,  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  i.  cap.  iii. 

Meanwhile  Robert  Fitz-Stephen,  mindful  of  his 
promise  and  true  to  his  word,*  had  got  together  30 
men-at-arms  of  his  own  kinsmen  and  retainers,  and 
also  60  others  clad  in  mail,  as  well  as  300  archers  on 
foot,!  the  pick  of  Wales.  Putting  these  on  three 
ships,  he  sailed  into  the  creek  of  Bannow  %  about  the 
first  of  May. 

It  is  clear  that  then  was  the  well-known  prophecy 
of  Merlin  the  Wild  §  fulfilled  :— 

A  knight  of  nature  twain  shall  be  the  first, 
Hibernia's  bonds  by  dint  of  arms  to  burst. 

For  if  you  wish  to  read  aright  this  mystic  saying  of 
the  seer,  consider  the  ancestry  of  Fitz-Stephen  on 
either  side.|| 

*  But  he  was  a  year  late. 

t  The  Welsh  longbow-men  (the  pattern  of  the  famous  English 
archers)  were  on  foot,  but  there  were  also  crossbow-men,  who 
were  sometimes  mounted,  sometimes  not. 

X  About  fifteen  miles  S.  of  Wexford,  as  the  crow  flies. 

§  The  three  great  Christian  bards  of  mediaeval  Welsh  legend 
were  Merlin  Ambrosius,  Merlin  Celidonius  or  Silvester  {"  the 
Wild  "),  and  Merlin  Taliessin.  Of  these  the  first  and  second 
were  beheved  to  possess  the  gifts  of  prophecy  and  enchant- 
ment. Ambrosius  was  generally  referred  to  the  times  of 
Vortigem,  and  the  reign  of  king  Arthur.  Silvester  was  sup- 
posed to  have  flourished  in  the  sixth  century. 

II  On  his  father's  side  he  was  Anglo-Norman,  on  his  mother's 
side  Welsh  {see  Genealogical  Table],  His  coat-of-arms,  too, 
was  party  per  pale. 


14  THE  LANDING  OF  FITZ-STEPHEN.        1169 

With  the  same  band  there  went  over  also  Hervey 
de  Montmaurice,  a  man  of  broken  fortunes,  without 
equipment  or  money ;  not  so  much  to  take  part  in  the 
fighting  as  to  act  as  a  spy  for  earl  Richard,  whose 
uncle  he  was  upon  the  father's  side.  Then  landing  on 
an  island  in  the  creek,  they  drew  their  vessels  up 
along  the  shore  and  forthwith  sent  to  Dermot  news 
of  their  arrival.  Naturally  the  fame  of  it  soon  spread 
abroad,  and  some  of  those  who  dwelt  about  the  coast 
and  had  formerly  left  Dermot  when  his  prospects 
changed  for  worse,  at  once  came  back  to  loyalty  now 
that  his  luck  had  turned.  For,  as  the  poet  says,  'tis 
ever  so  :— 

With  fortune  stands  or  falls  fidelity.* 

(Dermot  with  500  men  joins  the  invaders,  and  all  march  to 
attack  Wexford,  which  lay  about  twelve  miles  from  the  landing- 
place.) 

When  this  was  known,  the  townsmen,  who  hitherto 
had  been  invincible,!  emboldened  by  their  old  success 
in  arms  marched  out  to  the  number  of  about  2000 
men,  and  meeting  the  enemy  while  yet  near  his  camp, 
stoutly  drew  up  for  fight.  But  when  they  saw  lines 
arrayed  in  a  strictness  of  order  which  was  strange  to 
them,  and  a  troop  of  horse,  splendid  in  hauberk,  shield 

*  Ovid,  2  Pont.  iii.  10. 

t  They  were  Ostmen  [Norwegians],  and  superior  in  race, 
discipline  and  equipment  to  the  native  Irish.  These  Northmen, 
who  were  settled  also  at  Waterford,  Carlingford,  Limerick, 
Dublin,  Strangford,  Wicklow,  etc.,  were  the  only  really 
formidable  opponents  with  whom  the  invaders  had  to  deal. 
Oxmantown  is  the  town  of  the  Ostmen,  or  Eastmen. 


u69  THE   TAKING   OF  WEXFORD.  1 5 

and  gleaming  helm,  as  circumstances  had  changed, 
they  changed  then:  plans,  and  after  firing  the  suburbs 
straightway  retired  within  the  ramparts.  Fitz-Stephen 
and  his  followers  on  their  part  eagerly  prepared  for 
the  assault :  the  men  in  mail  lined  the  ditches,  the 
archers  were  posted  in  the  rear  to  command  the 
advanced  towers,  and  then,  loudly  cheering,  all  rushed 
forward  with  one  heart  to  attack  the  walls.  But  the 
townsmen,  ready  of  defence,  proceeded  to  hurl  from 
the  battlements  great  beams  and  stones,  and  repulsed 
the  besiegers  with  considerable  loss.  Among  the 
wounded  was  one  Robert  de  Barri,*  who  with  the 
ardour  of  youthful  valour  despised  in  his  eagerness 
the  risk  of  death.  As  he  led  the  way  among  those 
who  were  first  scaling  the  fortifications,  he  was  struck 
upon  the  helmet  by  a  stone,  and  falling  headlong 
down  into  the  bottom  of  the  ditch,  was  with  great 
difficulty  dragged  out  alive  by  his  comrades.  (Owing 
to  the  force  of  the  stroke,  sixteen  years  afterwards  his 
double  teeth  fell  out ;  and,  what  is  still  more  astonish- 
ing, new  ones  at  once  grew  in  their  places.)  Drawing 
off,  therefore,  from  the  walls  they  hastened  to  the 
neighbouring  shore,  and  set  fire  to  all  the  ships  they 
found  lying  on  the  strand.  ...  On  the  morrow, 
however,  after  high  mass  had  been  solemnized  in  full 
parade,  they  advanced  to  the  assault ;  this  time  with 
greater  caution,  and  their  array  more  carefully  dis- 
posed. But  when,  in  firm  reliance  no  less  on  the 
resources  of  skill  than  on  their  bravery,  in  other  words 
trusting  as  much  in  their  warlike  arts  as  in  their  valiant 
*  Elder  brother  of  Gerald  de  Barri. 


1 6  CONQUEST  OF  OSSORY.  1169 

hearts,  the  besiegers  drew  near  the  walls,  the  towns- 
men abandoned  all  hope  of  defending  them,  and 
reflecting  that  they  were  wrong  in  resisting  their  lawful 
prince,  set  themselves  rather  to  offer  terms.  Through 
the  mediation,  therefore,  of  the  bishops,  for  two  of 
them  at  that  juncture  were  in  the  town,  and  of  other 
worthy  and  well-disposed  men,  peace  was  re-established, 
and  the  townsmen  submitted  to  Dermot,  handing  over 
four  hostages  for  their  fidelity  in  the  time  to  come. 
He,  the  more  to  animate  his  allies,  and  being  desirous 
of  at  once  rewarding  the  leaders  for  their  first  success, 
then  and  there  assigned  the  town  with  all  its  de- 
pendent territory  to  Fitz-Stephen  and  Maurice ;  and 
this  was  due  to  them  in  accordance  with  the  original 
agreement.  To  Hervey  de  Montmaurice,  too,  he 
gave  to  hold  in  fee  two  hundreds  \cantreds\  situate 
between  the  to\\Tis,  Wexford  that  is  and  Waterford, 
and  bordering  on  the  sea.* 

A.D.  1169.— Of  the  conquest  of  the  men  of  Ossory. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  I.  cap.  iv. 

This  enterprise  having  been  completed  with  all  the 
success  they  could  desire,  they  joined  to  their  own 
forces  the  men  of  Wexford,  and  with  an  army  about 
3000  strong  directed  their  march  on  Ossory.  Now 
amongst  all  the  rebellious  vassals  of  Dermot  ever  most 
hostile  to  him  had  been  Donnell,  lord  of  Ossory ;  and 
some  time  before,  when  he  held  in  captivity  Dermot's 

*  These  grants  were  all  in  fee,  and  here  again  Dermot  was 
acting  without  regard  to  the  laws  of  his  country. 


Ii69  CONQUEST  OF  OSSORY,  1 7 

SOU,  Stung  by  jealousy  he  had  carried  his  vengeance 
to  such  a  pitch  as  to  put  out  his  eyes.  At  first  the 
invaders  did  not  penetrate  far  into  the  district  of 
Ossory,  for  almost  on  the  very  borders  they  found  the 
inhabitants  posted  in  a  region  fenced  in  with  woods 
and  impassable  for  swamps  ;  and  they  proved  no 
weaklings  in  defending  their  fatherland.  Nay, 
rendered  confident  by  the  success  of  their  defence, 
they  even  pursued  their  enemies  right  away  to  the 
open  plains.  But  there  the  knights  of  Fitz-Stephen 
turned,  and  charging  fiercely  wrought  no  little 
slaughter  among  them,  spearing  them  as  they  scattered 
in  flight  over  the  level  country  and  dispersing  them  in 
utter  rout ;  while  those  whom  the  horsemen  had  dashed 
to  the  ground,  were  quickly  decapitated  by  the  broad 
axes  *  of  the  Irish  foot.  Thus,  then,  was  the  victory 
gained,  and  some  200  of  his  enemies'  heads  were  laid 
at  the  feet  of  Dermot.  To  see  whose  they  were  he 
turned  them  over  one  by  one ;  then  thrice  did  he  clap 
his  hands  and  leap  for  joy,  and  giving  thanks  to  the 
Most  High  burst  into  exultant  song.  Ay,  and  even 
the  head  of  one  whom  he  had  hated  above  the  rest 
he  took  up  by  the  ears  and  hair  and  in  a  most  blood- 

*  The  **  sparthe,"  or  iron  battle-axe,  the  use  of  which  the 
Irish  had  learnt  from  the  Ostmen  [Girald.  Top.  Dis.  iii.  c.  10 
below].  These  500  men  whom  Dermot  had  contributed  to  the 
expedition  were  probably  "gallowglasses,"  infantry  equipped 
and  armed  after  the  Norwegian  fashion  [Expug.  i.  21].  They 
formed  the  body-guard,  "hus-carls"  as  it  were,  of  the  native 
chieftains,  and  were  regular  soldiers,  quite  distinct  from  the 
kernes,  or  light-armed  militia-men,  who  constituted  the  bulk  of 
an  Irish  army. 

B 


1 8  CONQUEST  OF  OSSORY.  1169 

thirsty  and  brutal  manner  tore  away  with  his  teeth  the 
lips  and  nose. 

(Gerald  has  apparently  run  two  battles  into  one,  as  the 
following  extracts  from  Regan  and  from  Carew's  Abstract  of 
Regan  will  show.  The  actual  events  were :  i.  The  English 
forced  the  entrenchments  of  the  men  of  Ossory,  and  put  the  latter 
to  flight,  as  told  in  the  subjoined  portion  of  the  poem.  2.  The 
conquerors  then  set  to  plundering  and  devastating  the  country, 
after  which  they  started  to  retire  with  their  spoil  into  Kinselagh 
\Kenceleid\.  3.  Meanwhile  the  Ossorians  had  rallied  under  cover 
of  the  woods,  and  occupied  a  defile  through  which  the  retreating 
Anglo-Irish  force  would  have  to  pass.  An  engagement  ensued 
which  is  described  in  the  first  passage  from  Carew  below.) 


A.D.  1169. — [Another  account  of  the  conquest   of 

Ossory.] 

Regan's  Anglo-Norman  Poem^  II.  524-617. 

(Before  starting  for   Ossory  Dermot   calls  a  council  of  his 
English  allies.) 

Now  when  to  Dermot's  royal  hall 

The  barons  bold  were  come, 
He  straight  unfolded  his  design, 

A.nd  counsel  asked  of  some. 
He  told  how  rebel  Ossorie, 

From  churl  to  faithless  lord, 
Unnerved  by  sense  of  perjured  troth, 

Quaked  at  the  English  sword. 
*  Wherefore,  sirs  barons,'  quoth  the  king, 

'  Since  thus  they  dread  our  might, 
To  Ossorie  I  fain  would  go 

These  guilty  foes  to  smite.' 


Ii69  CONQUEST  OF  OSSORY.  I9 

Then  out  the  barons  answered  him, 

Upstanding  there  around, 
That  never  would  they  toil  eschew, 
Nor  cease  such  vassals  false  to  sue, 

Or  ever  they  be  found. 
And  ere  the  Hne  of  march  was  formed, 

The  bruit  of  English  aid 
Brought  in  three  thousand  Irish  foot  * 

To  swell  the  king's  brigade. 
But  when  the  barons  saw  the  power, 

That  flocked  from  all  the  coast. 
With  heightened  cheer  and  heartsome  trust 

They  joined  the  mingled  host. 
***** 

Athwart  their  path  the  foemen  lay, 

A  full  five  thousand  strong. 
The  which  the  lord  of  Ossorie 

Had  marshalled  in  his  throng ; 
Mac  Donnell  e'en,  the  traitor  prince 

Of  caitiff  Ossorie, 
Who  there  had  built  himself  a  hold 

Made  stout  with  dike  and  tree. 
For,  deft  of  spade,  his  knaves  had  drawn 

Three  fosses  broad  and  deep 
A  pace  apart  j  in  rear  of  all 

A  stockade  crowned  the  steep. 
And  there  the  felon  battle  gave 

To  king  Dermot  next  day ; 
From  sunrise  unto  eventide 

Each  side  bore  up  the  fray. 

*  Some  of  these  were  Ostmen  of  Wexford. 


20  CONQUEST  OF  OSSORY.  1169 

Then  furious  swayed  the  tide  of  war, 

Then  strove  despair  with  zeal, 
Till  ousted  were  the  rebel  horde 

By  English  thews  and  steel. 
But  many  a  wound  was  ta'en  and  dealt, 

And  many  a  life  fordone  ; 
And  stark  lay  knight  and  gallowglass, 
Archer  and  kerne,  in  motley  mass, 

Before  the  post  was  won. 
Right  proud  and  joyous  was  the  king 

Such  feat  of  arms  to  see ; 
How  fame  and  vengeance  both  were  his 

By  force  of  Englishrie. 
At  morn,  in  strength  of  victory. 

He  gave  the  land  to  flame, 
Forwasted  all,  or  far  or  near, 

To  cleanse  away  its  shame. 
From  here,  from  there,  from  cot  and  thorpe, 

Was  prize  and  trophy  reft ; 
O'er  hill  and  plain,  in  wood  and  dale. 

Till  naught  to  spoil  was  left. 


A.D.  1169.— [Another   account  of  the   conquest  of 

Ossory,  continued?^ 

Regan's  Anglo- Nor?nan  Poem :  Care-do's  Prose  Abstract. 

(The  Irish  had  occupied  a  pass  which  lay  in  the  English  line 
of  retreat. ) 

"  According  to  his  \per77iofs'\  direction  the  English 
prepared  themselves  to  fight.     The  king  \permot\  for 


ii69  CONQUEST  OF  OSSORY,  21 

his  safety  put  himself  into  their  battalion;  his  son, 
Donnell  Kavenagh,  he  commanded  with  43  Kenceleia 
men  to  be  in  the  forlorn  hope.  The  rest  of  his  forces, 
which  were  1700,  mingled  not  with  the  English,  for 
they  \the  latter]  mistrusted  such  as  could  run  like  the 
wind. 

Donnell  Kavenagh  was  no  sooner  entered  the  pass, 
but  the  enemy  assailed  him,  and  he  was  enforced  to 
shelter  himself  under  the  English.  After  the  fight 
had  continued  three  hours,  prince  Donnell's  [lord  of 
Ossory]  men  began  to  faint,  gave  ground,  and  ran 
away ;  nevertheless  in  an  instant  they  rallied  again, 
and  made  a  new  head.  In  the  interim  the  English 
horse  and  foot  were  gotten  into  a  low  moorish  ground, 
wherein  Donnell  [lord  of  Ossory]  assured  himself  to 
have  a  fair  day  upon  them.  Maurice  de  Prendergast, 
apprehending  the  danger  they  were  in,  with  a  loud 
voice  called  upon  his  companions  : — '  Let  us,'  said  he, 
*  withstand  our  enemies,  and  free  ourselves  out  of  this 
bottom.  We  are  well  armed  and  they  are  naked ;  if 
we  may  recover  hard  ground  we  shall  be  freed  from 
peril,  and  there  is  no  doubt  but  they  be  ours,  or  at 
the  least  we  shall  die  with  honour.'  Then  he  called 
upon  one  named  Robert  Smith  : — '  Take,'  said  he, 
*■  50  soldiers,  and  lie  in  ambush  in  yonder  thicket,  and 
move  not  until  the  Irish  be  past.  If  they  will  charge 
you,  we  will  come  to  your  succour  ; '  which  direction 
was  immediately  obeyed.  Donnell  [lord  of  Ossory] 
and  his  men,  which  were  about  2000,  conceiving  that 
the  English  began  to  faint,  came  boldly  on,  passed 
the  ambush  (which,  being  so  few,  durst  not  stir),  and 


22        DEFECTION  OF  DE  PRENDERGAST.        1169 

gave  a  furious  charge.  Dermot,  then  fearing  that  all 
was  lost,  prayed  Maurice  \de  Prendergasi\  to  have 
care  to  succour  those  which  were  left  in  ambush. 
*  Be  not  dismayed,'  said  Maurice,  '  when  it  shall  be 
needful  I  will  have  care  to  relieve  them.'  The  Irish 
with  great  eagerness  continued  the  skirmish,  and  con- 
tinually charged  them  upon  their  retreat,  until  they 
had  recovered  hard  ground.  Then  Maurice  de 
Prendergast,  Robert  Fitz-Stephen,  Meiler  Fitz-Henry, 
Milo  Fitz-David  \i.e.  Milo  Fitz- Gerald],  Hervey  de 
Montmaurice,  with  other  English  knights,  turned  upon 
the  men  of  Ossory  and  in  a  moment  they  [the  latter] 
were  discomfited.  All  of  them  [the  EnglisK]  did 
admirably  well ;  but  Meiler  Fitz-Henry  deserved  the 
most  honour.  When  the  Irish  that  were  with  Dermot, 
who  all  the  time  of  the  fight  for  fear  had  hidden 
themselves  in  the  wood,  saw  the  enemy  broken,  they 
followed  the  chase  and  fell  to  the  execution  of 
Donnell's  [lord  of  Ossory]  men.  Two  hundred  and 
twenty  were  slain,  whose  heads  were  presented  to 
Dermot;  and  many  also  afterwards  died  of  their 
hurts." 

(Some  time  after  this  Donnell,  lord  of  Ossory,  tendered  his 
submission,  although  he  had  no  intention  of  abiding  by  it.) 

A.D.  1169.— [Defection  of  Maurice  de  Prendergast.] 

Regan^s  Anglo-Norman  Poem:  Carev/s  Prose  Abstract, 

*'  Dermot  being  grown  proud  with  his  victories  gave 
discontentment  to  the  English ;  insomuch  as  Maurice 
de  Prendergast  with   200  soldiers  went  to  Wexford, 


ii69  RETURN  OF  DE  PRENDERGAST.  23 

with  a  resolution  there  to  embark  and  pass  into  Wales. 
Whereof  when  Dermot  had  knowledge,  he  sent  to 
Wexford  requiring  the  townsmen  to  give  impediment. 
Maurice,  seeing  his  passage  stopped,  and  offended 
with  Dermot,  by  the  advice  of  the  Wexford  men,  who 
hated  the  king,  sent  to  Donnell,  king  of  Ossory,  pro- 
posing to  serve  him  against  Dermot  \  who  joyfully 
accepted  of  the  proffer  and  promised  him  great  enter- 
tainment. Maurice,  in  his  march  towards  Tech- 
Moylin  \Timoling  or  St.  Mullins,  co.  Carlow\  was 
forlaid  and  encountered  by  Donnell  Kavenagh,  king 
Dermot's  son,  with  500  foot.  But  Maurice  forced  his 
way,  and  came  safely  to  Tech-Moylin,  where  he  re- 
mained three  days ;  and  there  the  king  of  Ossory 
came  to  him,  well  and  strongly  attended.  The  con- 
ditions on  either  part  being  agreed  upon,  and  Donnell 
and  Maurice  sworn  each  to  the  other  for  the  true 
performing  of  them,  they  marched  unto  Ossory,  whence, 
by  the  aid  of  Maurice,  Donnell  made  incursions  upon 
Dermot  and  spoiled  his  country.  This  departure  of 
Maurice  de  Prendergast  did  not  work  the  like  effect  in 
the  rest;  for  Robert  Fitz-Stephen,  Hervey  de  Mont- 
maurice,  and  other  English  knights,  remained  with 
the  king  of  Leinster." 

(Later  on  in  the  same  year  Prendergast,  finding  his  position  of 
hostility  to  his  fellow-countrymen  distasteful  and  his  new  Irish 
allies  untrustworthy,  returned  to  Wales  with  his  men ;  but  we 
soon  find  him  back  again  in  Ireland  and  taking  part  in  the 
conquest  once  more.) 


24         LEAGUE  AGAINST  THE  INVADERS,       1169 

A.D.  1169.— League  of  all  Ireland  against  Denaot 
and  Fitz-Stephen. 

Girald.  Ca7nbr.  Expug.  Hib.  Lib.  I.  cap.  v. 
Meanwhile  rolls  on  the  wheel  of  fate  :  now  fortune 
frowns,  and  threatens  abasement  to  the  exalted,  ruin 
to  the  prosperous.  For  when  the  late  successes  of 
Dermot  and  the  coming,  too,  of  the  dread  foreigner, 
are  noised  abroad  throughout  the  island,  Roderic, 
prince  of  the  men  of  Connaught  and  high-king  of  all 
Ireland,  reflecting  how  from  small  beginnings  great 
issues  often  spring,  and  being  of  a  foreboding  turn  of 
mind,  already  foresaw  the  evils  that  menaced  as  much 
himself  as  the  whole  land  from  the  invasion  of  the 
strangers.  He  therefore  sent  messengers  to  all  the 
country  round,  and  hastily  convoked  an  assembly  of 
the  chief  men  of  the  island.  After  taking  counsel 
together,  forthwith  the  wrath  of  one  and  all  was  roused 
against  Dermot,  and  they  brought  together  into  that 
part  of  Leinster  which  is  called  Kinselagh  \Kenceleid\ 
ii  great  number  of  trained  troops  *  and  a  vast  multi- 
tude of  kernes.t 

♦  "  Gallowglasses : "  see  Gerald.  I.  iv.  above.  They  were 
divided  into  "battles,*"  or  companies,  of  from  sixty  to  eighty 
men. 

t  Light  infantry,  without  body-armour,  but  with  the  sides  of 
the  head  and  neck  protected  by  their  long  hair  plaited  into 
"glibs."  They  carried  either  wicker  shields  or  small  bucklers 
of  iron  ;  pikes  or  pairs  of  darts  ;  slings  ;  small  iron-headed  axes  ; 
and  "skenes"  (dirks,  about  fifteen  inches  long,  for  stabbing, 
like  the  Roman  short  sword).  These  weapons  were  often  of 
weak  metal  which  bent  at  the  blow,  as  we  read  that  the  long 
swords  of  the  early  Teutonic  invaders  of  the  Roman  Empire 


1 1 69  THEY  FALL  BACK  UPON  FERNS.  25 

And  now  to  Dermot.  Some  of  his  fair-weathei 
friends,  flitting  like  the  swallow  at  the  wintry  blast, 
stole  secretly  away  and  vanished ;  others,  holding  light 
their  oath  of  fealty,  openly  deserted  to  the  foe.  Thus 
in  the  hour  of  greatest  need  very  few  of  his  followers, 
besides  Fitz-Stephen  and  his  men,  did  he  find  true  to 
him.  He  thereupon  retired  with  those  who  still  were 
faithful  to  a  position  not  far  from  Ferns,  which  sur- 
rounded as  it  was  by  steep  and  densely  wooded  cliffs, 
by  water  and  by  marsh,  afforded  a  natural  vantage- 
ground  that  was  entirely  inaccessible.  Here,  under 
the  directions  of  Fitz-Stephen,  the  soldiers  began  at 
once  to  fell  the  trees,  to  strengthen  the  underwood  by 
interweaving  boughs,  to  break  up  the  surface  of  the 
ground  by  digging  deep  pits  and  ditches,  and  to  clear 
secret  and  narrow  passages  of  a  tortuous  nature  in 
which  they  might  entangle  an  attacking  force,  or  by 
which  they  might  themselves  escape.  In  short,  they 
made  the  place  easy  of  ingress  and  egress  for  their 
own  side,  impassable  for  an  enemy  :  and  a  position 
which  was  naturally  difficult  of  assault,  they  fortified 
with  the  greatest  industry  and  skill. 

did.  An  engagement  was  generally  begun  by  the  kernes,  who 
cast  their  javelins  and  so  opened  the  way  for  the  heavy  axe-men 
to  come  to  the  hand -stroke  ;  which  reminds  us  how  the  archers 
in  the  English  contingent  under  lord  Rivers  during  the  re- 
conquest  of  Granada  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  opened  up  gaps 
in  the  Moorish  ranks  wherein  the  battle-axe  might  do  its  work. 
Welsh  and  Irish  kernes  were  afterwards  used  in  the  French 
wars  to  mingle  in  the  melee  and  stab  the  horses  of  the  French 
knights.  The  Scotch  had  their  kernes  and  gallowglasses  too 
(see  Shak.  Macb.  i.  2). 


26  DESCRIPTION  OF  DERMOT.  1169 

A  description  of  Dermot. 

Girald.  Cainbr.  Exptig.  Hibern.  Lib.  I.  cap.  vi. 

Now  Dermot  was  a  man  tall  of  stature  and  stout 
of  frame :  a  soldier  whose  heart  was  in  the  fray,  and 
held  valiant  among  his  own  nation.  From  often 
shouting  his  battle-cry,  his  voice  had  become  hoarse. 
A  man  who  liked  better  to  be  feared  by  all  than  loved 
by  any.  One  who  would  oppress  his  greater  vassals, 
while  he  raised  to  high  station  men  of  lowly  birth. 
A  tyrant  to  his  own  subjects,  he  was  hated  by 
strangers  :  his  hand  was  against  every  man,  and  every 
man's  hand  against  him. 

\The  History  resuj7ted.'\ 

Meanwhile  Roderic  sent  to  Fitz-Stephen  mes- 
sengers who  proffered  and  promised  gifts  of  great 
value,  and  used  every  argument  to  induce  him  to 
depart  in  peace  and  amity  from  a  land,  for  his  pre- 
sence in  which  he  could  offer  no  sort  of  justification  : 
yet  was  he  not  persuaded.  Then  the  messengers 
appealed  to  Dermot  to  join  his  arms  with  theirs  for 
the  extermination  of  the  foreigner,  promising  the 
peaceful  restoration  to  him  of  all  Leinster,  together 
with  the  firm  friendship  of  Roderic.  Many  arguments, 
too,  did  they  adduce  on  behalf  of  their  common 
fatherland ;  spending  much  entreaty  and  discourse 
in  support  of  this.  But  their  prayers  availed  them 
naught. 


Ii69  THE  HIGH-KING  MAKES  PEACE.  27 

A.D.  1169.— How  peace  was  re-established. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibcrn.  Lib.  i.  cap.  x. 

Roderic,  knowing  that  the  issues  of  war  are  ever 
doubtful,  and  that  as  the  comic  poet  says, 

*  All  ways  will  a  wise  man  try  before  he  takes  to  arms, '  * 

and  also  because  he  shrank  from  joining  battle  with 
knights  in  full  armour  as  these  strangers  were,  sent 
envoys  to  try  by  any  means  to  get  terms.  And  so, 
through  the  mediation  of  worthy  men  and  by  the 
favour  of  Heaven,  peace  was  at  length  made  upon  the 
following  conditions  : — that  Leinster  should  be  left  to 
Dermot,  but  that  he  should  acknowledge  Roderic  as 
chief  prince  and  high-king  of  Ireland,  and  yield  him 
the  submission  thereby  due.  To  secure  this  compact 
Dermot  also  gave  his  son  Conor  as  a  hostage ;  while 
Roderic  pledged  his  word  that  if  as  time  went  on 
Dermot  by  his  actions  contributed  to  strengthen  their 
concord,  he  would  give  his  daughter  in  marriage  to 
the  young  prince. 

These  stipulations  were  publicly  announced,  and 
oaths  in  confirmation  of  them  mutually  given  and 
taken  ;  but  in  addition  it  was  secretly  agreed  that  for 
the  future  Dermot  should  invite  no  foreigners  into 
the  island,  and  moreover  that  those  whom  he  had 
already  called  in  should  be  sent  back  as  soon  as  order 
had  been  restored  in  Leinster. 

*  Ter,  Eun^  4.  7.  19.  The  quotation  in  the  Latin  text  is  not 
verbatim. 


28      LANDING   OF  MAURICE  FITZ-GERALD.     1169 

A.D.   1169.— The  coming  of  Maurice  [Fitz-Gerald] 
and  the  reduction  of  Dublin. 

Girald.  Cajnbr.  Expug.  Hihern.  Lib.  i.  cap.  xi. 

The  business  being  thus  settled,  fortune  seemed  to 
smile  again  and  turn  a  serene  countenance  on  Dermot's 
cause ;  for,  lo  !  there  put  in  to  Wexford  with  two 
ships  Maurice  Fitz-Gerald  of  whom  we  spoke  above, 
the  uterine  brother  of  Fitz-Stephen,  accompanied  by 
10  men-at-arms,  30  mounted  retainers,  and  about 
100  archers  on  foot.  Maurice  was  a  discreet  and 
honourable  man ;  well  known  for  his  good  faith, 
and  of  tried  energy.  Though  of  a  modesty  that 
was  almost  maidenly,  yet  he  was  famed  for  his 
stability  of  character.  A  gentleman ;  whose  word 
was  his  bond. 

Dermot  was  greatly  delighted  by  this  lucky  arrival, 
which  re-kindled  his  anxiety  to  avenge  upon  the  men 
of  Dublin  the  grave  injuries  they  had  so  frequently 
offered  to  himself  and  to  his  father.  He  therefore 
lost  no  time  in  assembHng  the  army  and  in  preparing 
to  march  on  that  city.  Meanwhile  Fitz-Stephen  was 
building  a  stronghold  on  a  certain  steep  and  rocky 
eminence,  known  among  the  natives  as  the  *  Crag,' 
about  two  furlongs  from  Wexford :  a  natural  fortifica- 
tion, the  strength  of  which  was  now  increased  by  art. 
Maurice,  however,  was  associated  with  Dermot  in  the 
command  of  the  English  forces  in  the  field,  and  acted 
as  leader  of  the  campaign.  In  a  short  space  of  time 
all  the  domain  of  the  city  together  with  the  adjacent 
provinces    was     reduced    almost    to    desolation    by 


Ii69  DUBLIN  SUBMITS.  29 

plunder,  fire  and  sword.  At  length  the  citizens  sued 
for  peace,  and  gave  good  security  for  their  future 
loyalty  to  their  king  and  for  yielding  the  obedience 
that  was  due  to  him. 

While  this  was  going  on  hostilities  had  broken  out 
between  Roderic  of  Connaught  and  Donnell  [O'Brien, 
king]  of  Limerick,  and  directly  Roderic  with  an 
armed  force  crossed  the  borders  of  Limerick,  Dermot 
despatched  Fitz-Stephen  and  his  men  to  the  aid  of 
Donnell,  who  was  his  son-in-law.  With  the  support 
of  this  reinforcement,  O'Brien,  after  several  engage- 
ments, in  all  of  which  he  was  successful,  drove  Roderic 
back  with  shame  and  disgrace  into  his  own  territories 
and  entirely  freed  himself  from  his  supremacy. 


A,D.  1169.  — Of  the  preparations  of  earl  Richard. 

Girald.  Cambi'.  Exptig.  Hibern.  Lib.  i.  cap.  xii. 

Dermot  had  now  recovered  all  his  hereditary 
possessions,  and  began  to  look  for  higher  things.  He 
aspired  to  the  ancient  ancestral  position  of  his  house, 
and  meditated  the  subjection  of  Connaught  by  force 
of  arms,  and  the  gaining  of  the  high-kingship  of 
Ireland  for  himself.  With  a  view,  therefore,  to  this 
he  had  a  secret  conference  with  Fitz-Stephen  and 
Maurice,  and  made  a  full  revelation  to  them  of  his 
design.  They  answered  that  it  could  easily  be  realized 
if  he  were  to  procure  the  assistance  of  more  English 
troops.  On  this,  after  using  every  entreaty  to  induce 
them  to  invite  into  the  island  their  kinsmen  and 
countrymen  in  greater  numbers  and  to  take  in  hand 


30      DERMOTS  LETTER    TO  STRONGBOW.      1169 

the  accomplishment  of  his  project,  at  length,  the  more 
effectually  to  persuade  them  to  it,  he  offered  to  either 
of  them  his  eldest  daughter  in  marriage  together  with 
the  succession  to  the  kingdom.  But  as  at  the  time 
each  rejoiced  in  the  possession  of  a  lawful  wife,  after 
much  deliberation  he  finally  settled  on  the  plan  of 
sending  messengers  with  the  following  letter  to  earl 
Richard,  whom  we  have  mentioned  above,  and  to 
whom  formerly  when  in  Bristol  he  had  promised  to 
give  this  same  daughter  to  wife. 

*  Dermot  Mac  Murrough,  king  of  Leinster,  to 
Richard,  earl  of  Strigul,  son  of  earl  Gilbert,  greeting. 

Were  you,  like  us  who  lack  your  aid,  to  count  the  lingering  days, 
That  samely  pass  and  pass  again  before  you  glad  our  gaze. 
You  would  allow  not  overtimely  chide  we  these  delays.* 

We  have  watched  the  storks  and  swallows  :  the 
summer  birds  have  come ;  come,  ay,  and  flown 
again  before  the  ocean  blast.  Neither  eastern  breeze 
nor  zephyr's  breath  wafts  to  us  your  longed-for, 
looked-for  presence.  Let  the  prompt  fulfilment  of 
your  promise  cure  this  malady  of  delay ;  let  your 
deeds  show  that  "  your  tryst  is  but  deferred,  not 
broken."  t  All  Leinster  now  is  ours  again.  If  you 
are  timely  with  us,  and  in  force,  the  other  four 
divisions  can  easily  be  added  to  the  fifth.  Wherefore 
right  grateful  will  you  render  your  arrival,  if  it  be 
speedy ;  glorious  will  it  be,  if  soon ;  the  earlier  the 
more  welcome.     Renewed  affection  heals  the  wounds 

*  Adapted  from  Ovid.  Ep.  Her,  ii.  7. 
t  Ovid.  Ep.  Her.  ii.  102. 


Ii69     STRONGBOW  DECIDES  ON  INVASION.       3 1 

of  love,  provided  only  those  wounds  be  dealt  in  part 
by  neglect.  For  friendship  is  restored  by  kindly 
offices,  and  grows  by  services  to  greater  strength.' 

After  perusing  this  letter,  earl  Richard  carefully 
turned  the  matter  over  in  his  mind  and  at  last  came 
to  a  decision  as  to  his  course  of  action ;  a  decision 
based  on  the  luck  that  had  attended  his  fellow- 
countrymen.  For  taking  heart  from  the  success  of 
Fitz-Stephen,  which  he  had  before  considered  doubtful, 
he  directed  his  best  energies  to  the  Irish  expedition, 
fixed  all  his  aspirations  on  it,  and  in  every  way  roused 
himself  to  the  conquest  of  the  island. 

The  earl  *  was  of  high  descent,  for  he  was  born  of 
the  noble  stock  of  the  house  of  Clare.  Yet  withal,  so 
far,  a  man  whose  family  was  better  than  his  fortune ; 
who  had  more  blue  blood  than  brains,  and  whose 
pedigree  was  longer  than  his  purse.  He  went,  then, 
to  Henry  II.,  king  of  the  English,  and  earnestly 
begged  and  entreated  him   either  as  a  mere  act  of 

*  Richard  Fitz-Gilbert  de  Clare,  2nd  earl  of  Pembroke, 
called  also  earl  of  Striguil,  or  Estrigoil,  from  one  of  his  castles 
about  four  miles  from  Chepstow.  He  was  called  Strongbow, 
apparently  by  the  Flemings  and  English  in  his  service  in 
S.  Wales,  a  nickname  borne  first  by  his  father  Gilbert.  He 
succeeded  to  his  earldom  in  1149,  but  was  in  disgrace  with 
the  king,  who  had  deprived  him  of  his  estate.  The  proposals 
of  Dermot  seemed  to  offer  a  prospect  of  repairing  his  fortunes. 
In  spite  of  Gerald's  description  of  him  [chap,  xxvii.  below]  he 
was  undoubtedly  a  captain  of  considerable  repute  ;  at  any  rate 
sufficiently  so  to  render  Henry  extremely  uneasy  with  regard  to 
the  position  he  made  for  himself  in  Ireland.  His  arms  were 
Or,  three  chevrons,  gules  \Clare\  a  label  of  five  points,  azure 
[personal]. 


32      STRONGBOW  SENDS  OVER  REIMUND.      1170 

justice  to  restore  to  him  the  domains  which  were  his 
by  hereditary  right,  or  to  grant  him  leave  to  try  his 
fate  and  lot  in-  foreign  lands. 

A.D.  1170.— The  coming  of  Reimund  [Fitz-Gerald] 
and  the  defeat  of  the  men  of  Waterford  at  Dun- 
dunnolf. 

Girald.  Camhr.  Expiig.  Hibern.  Lib.  I.  cap.  xiii. 
On  receiving  a  kind  of  permission  from  the  king, 
though  it  was  given  in  jest  rather  than  in  earnest,* 
when  the  winter  was  over  he  sent  on  before  him  into 
Ireland  about  the  ist  of  May  [?]  a  young  knight  of 
his  household,  Reimund  by  name,  with  10  men-at- 
arms  and  70  archers.  He  was  powerful  and  robust 
of  body,  and  trained  to  arms  ;  a  nephew  of  both  Fitz- 
Stephen  and  Maurice,  for  he  was  a  son  of  their  elder 
brother.  Landing  at  a  rocky  headland  called  Dun- 
dunnolf,  about  four  miles  from  Waterford  and  south 
of  Wexford,  they  threw  up  a  slight  entrenchment  of 
boughs  and  sods.  But  the  citizens  of  Waterford  and 
Melaghlin  O'Phelan,  lord  of  Decies,t — for  report  of 
the  landing  soon  spread  abroad — looked  with  sus- 
picion on  the  vicinity  of  the  foreigners,  and  after  con- 
ferring together  determined  to  meet  the  evil  at  the 
outset  and  to  take  up  arms  in  common  against  the 
invader.  So,  to  the  number  of  about  3000  men,  they 
crossed  the  river  Suir,  which  flows  close  under  the 

*  Later  on  the  king  absolutely  prohibited  the  enterprise,  but 
this  was  disregarded  by  the  earl. 

t  A  considerable  district  in  what  was  afterwards  the  county 
of  Waterford.     The  latter  is  not  mentioned  as  a  shire  till  1251. 


iiyo    DEFEAT  OF  THE  MEN  OF  WATERFORD.     33 

walls  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  city  and  divides 
Desmond  from  Leinster.  Then,  forming  in  three 
divisions  for  the  assault,  they  marched  bravely  up  to 
the  entrenchments.  .  .  .  Reimund  and  his  garrison, 
few  as  they  were  in  number,  yet  with  remarkable 
gallantry  sallied  out  to  meet  them,  and  joined  battle 
against  great  odds.  But  as  such  a  handful  of  men, 
however  valiant,  clearly  could  not  hold  their  own 
against  so  vast  a  multitude,  they  fell  back  on  the 
camp,  and  the  foremost  of  the  enemy,  who  were 
pressing  on  their  rear,  got  into  the  entrance  in  the 
confusion  and  prevented  the  gates  from  being  shut. 
Then  Reimund  seeing  that  he  and  his  followers  were 
in  a  strait,  nay,  in  imminent  jeopardy  of  their  lives, 
like  a  brave  man  turned  his  face  to  the  foe  and  cut 
down  in  the  gateway  with  his  good  sword  the  first  of 
the  pursuers  who  crossed  the  threshold.  The  noble 
stand  he  made,  that  single  blow,  and  the  ring  of  his 
battle-cry,  both  rallied  his  own  men  to  the  defence 
and  struck  terror  into  the  enemy.  Thus  then — for  the 
fortune  of  war,  as  it  were,  hangs  ever  on  the  cast  of  a 
die — those  who  had  seemed  conquered,  in  a  moment 
became  the  victors,  and  scattering  their  opponents  in 
flight  over  the  plain  pursued  them  with  such  carnage 
that  500  and  more  were  speedily  killed.  And  when 
the  pursuers  ceased  from  sheer  fatigue  to  use  their 
swords,  they  flung  great  numbers  of  the  fugitives  from 
the  lofty  cliffs  into  the  sea.  ...  On  that  field  the 
pride  of  Waterford  was  humbled  :  on  that  field  her 
power  was  broken.  That  victory  began  the  overthrow 
of    a   noble    city,    and   while   it   brought   hope  and 

c 


34  THE   COMING  OF  STRONGBOW.  1170 

encouragement  to  the  English,  to  the  natives  it 
brought  horror  and  despair.  For  it  was  a  thing 
unheard  of  in  those  parts  that  so  small  a  band  should 
have  wrought  so  great  a  slaughter.* 


A.D.  1170. — The  coming  of  the  earl  and  the  taking 
of  Waterford. 

Girald.  Catfib)'.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  I.  cap.  xvi. 

In  the  meantime  earl  Richard,  having  finished  the 
preparations  for  his  great  enterprise,  marched  for  St 
David's  along  the  coast-road  of  South  Wales,t  enlisting 
as  he  went  picked  men  out  of  those  parts.  When  all 
that  was  necessary  for  so  important  a  voyage  had 
been  procured  or  completed,  he  embarked  at  Milford 
Haven  with  200  men-at-arms  and  about  1000  others. { 
The  wind  blew  fair  from  the  east,  and  he  made  land 

*  These  conflicts  of  small  numbers  of  well-armed  and  highly 
trained  men  with  large  ill-ordered  hosts  resemble  the  battles  of 
Cortez  and  Pizarro  in  Mexico  and  Peru  respectively,  and  of 
Clive  in  India. 

t  Probably  the  old  Roman  road.  The  earl's  route,  then, 
would  be  from  his  chief  castle  of  Chepstow  through  Caerleon, 
Neath,  Llwchwr,  and  Carmarthen  to  St.  David's,  and  his 
recruits  would  therefore  be  drawn  from  what  are  now  the 
counties  of  Monmouth,  Glamorgan,  Carmarthen,  and  Pembroke. 
But  the  shires  of  Monmouth  and  Carmarthen  had  not  been 
formed  at  that  time.  Between  Neath  and  Llwchwr,  and  again 
soon  after  entering  Pembroke,  he  would  leave  on  his  left  the 
Flemish  colonies  established  by  Henry  I.  in  Gowerland  and 
Haverfordwest  respectively.  He  may  have  enlisted  men  from 
these. 

\  Archers. 


II70  ATTACK  ON  WATERFORD.  35 

near  Waterford  a  little  before  the  beginning  of 
September ;  the  exact  day  being  the  eve  of  St. 
Bartholomew  [23/f  August]. 

Then  was  fulfilled  the  prophecy  of  Merlin  the 
Wild  :— 

First  flares  the  flaming  torch, 
Then  blazes  up  the  fire  ; 
As  the  spark  lit  up  the  torch, 
Kindles  that  torch  our  pyre.* 

So  too  the  saying  of  Moling  the  Erseman  : — *  A 
great  man  will  come,  forerunner  of  a  greater,  who 
shall  set  his  heel  on  Desmond's  neck  and  bruise  the 
head  of  Leinster ;  and  by  force  of  arms  shall  go  with 
glory  on  the  way  prepared  before  him.' 

Next  day,  on  hearing  of  the  landing  of  the  earl, 
Reimund  was  filled  with  joy,  and  attended  by  40 
men-at-arms  hastened  to  meet  him.  The  former  had 
already  set  up  his  standard  before  the  city,  and  on 
the  morning  of  the  feast, f  being  the  day  of  the  war- 
god,!  the  united  forces  marched  with  banners  dis- 
played to  the  attack.     But  after  the  burghers,  aided 

*  The  spark  represents  the  landing  of  Fitz- Stephen  (chap.  iii. 
of  Gerald,  above),  the  torch  the  coming  of  the  earl,  while  the 
final  invasion  by  Henry  III.  in  person  is  to  complete  the 
cremation  of  Ireland's  freedom.  The  *'  great  man  "  in  Moling's 
prediction  is  the  earl,  the  "greater  "  of  course  Henry  II.  St. 
Moling  was  archbishop  of  Ferns,  632-696,  in  the  time  of  the 
supremacy  of  Northumbria  in  England.  The  day  of  his  death 
and  his  saint's  day  was  June  17. 

t  Of  St.  Bartholomew  ;  see  above. 

X  "Dies  Martis"  in  the  text:  that  is  Tuesday,  the  day  of 
Tiw,  the  god  of  war. 


36  CAPTURE   OF  WATERFORD.  1170 

by  those  who  had  escaped  from  the  carnage  at  Dun- 
dun  nolf,  had  twice  manfully  repulsed  them,  Reimund, 
who  now  by  common  consent  had  been  made  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  whole  army  and  in  whose 
hands  had  been  placed  the  conduct  of  the  campaign, 
noticed  a  kind  of  shed  fixed  to  the  outside  of  the  wall, 
and  supported  by  posts.  He  at  once  called  together 
his  men  in  full  force  for  an  assault,  and  quickly  sent 
forward  some  of  the  mail-clad  soldiers  to  cut  away  the 
posts.  This  done,  the  shed  fell  in  a  heap,  dragging 
with  it  a  considerable  portion  of  the  wall.  Through 
the  breach  thus  made  the  besiegers  poured  eagerly 
into  the  city,  butchered  whole  crowds  of  the  citizens 
in  the  streets,  and  gained  a  most  bloody  victory.  In 
Reginald's  Tower*  the  two  Sihtrics  were  taken  and 
put  to  the  sword.  In  like  manner  Reginald  himself 
and  Melaghlin  OThelan  f  were  captured  in  the  same 
place,  but  through  the  intervention  of  Dermot,  who 
came  up  just  then  with  Maurice  and  Fitz-Stephen, 
their  lives  were  spared.  A  garrison  was  placed  in  the 
city,  and  the  daughter  of  Dermot,  Eva  by  name,  %  was 
there  given  away  by  her  father  in  lawful  wedlock  to 
the  earl,  and  the  alliance  cemented  by  the  marriage. 
Then  all  started  to  march  on  Dublin. 

*  Now  the  Ring  Tower.  A  round  keep  built  by  the  Ostmen 
at  an  angle  of  the  city  walls.  Reginald  was  the  *'  king  "  of  the 
Norse  colony  in  Waterford.  The  two  Sihtrics  appear  to  have 
been  Norse  chiefs  under  him.  Doubtless  they  all  made  their 
last  stand  in  this  tower. 

t  Chap.  xiii.  of  Gerald  above. 

X  This  was  the  lady  mentioned  above  (Bk.  I.  chaps,  xii.  and 
ii.  of  Gerald  above). 


II70  DUBLIN  STORMED.  37 

A.D.  1170.— Of  the  storming  of  the  city  of  Dublin. 

Girald.  Cambr,  Exptig.  Hibern.  Lib.  i.  cap.  xvii. 
Dermot,  however,  knowing  that  almost  all  Ireland 
had  been  summoned  by  the  citizens  of  Dublin  to  aid 
in  the  defence,*  and  that  every  road  leading  to  the 
city  ran  through  wooded  defiles  held  by  the  enemy, 
remembered  the  disaster  f  that  befel  his  father,  and 
avoiding  the  forest  country  led  his  army  along  the 
mountain  ridges  %  by  Glendalough,§  and  brought  it 
safely  to  the  city  walls.  For  he  held  the  inhabitants 
of  Dublin  in  deeper  detestation  than  any  other  of  his 
enemies  in  Ireland;  and  not  without  reason,  since 
they  had  murdered  his  father  in  the  great  hall  of  one 
of  his  chief  men  where  he  was  accustomed  to  sit  in 
public  to  administer  justice,  and  had  added  insult 
to  injury  by  burying  a  dog  with  the  body.  Envoys, 
however,  were  sent  from  the  city,  and  preliminaries 
of  peace  were  entered  into  through  the  special  media- 
tion of  Laurence,  of  blessed  memory,  then  archbishop 
of  the  see  of  Dublin.  1|  But  in  the  mean  time  on  one 
side  of  the  city  Reginald,  on  the  other  a  certain  Milo 
de  Cogan,  a  valiant  officer,  with  a  following  of  the 
younger  soldiery  thirsting  for  fight  and  plunder, 
carried  the  walls  with  a  rush  and  descended  boldly 
into   the   city,   making   much   slaughter    among   the 

•  30,000  men  had  come,  under  Roderic  of  Connaught. 
t  Clearly  a  defeat,  though  the  time  and  details  seem  unknown. 
X  Like  Fabius  in  the  Hannibalian  War, 
§  **The  dale  of  the  two  lakes,"  in  Wicklow,  about  twenty- 
two  miles  south  of  Dublin. 

II  Of  him  below,  Gerald,  Bk.  II.  chap.  xxiv. 


38  COUNCIL  AT  ARMAGH.  1170 

people.*  The  greater  number  of  these,  however,  led 
by  Hasculf,  got  on  board  their  galleys  and  boats  with 
their  more  valuable  effects  and  sailed  off  to  the 
Northern  Islands.f  On  the  same  day  two  great 
miracles  happened  in  the  city.  A  crucifix  which  the 
citizens  tried  hard  to  carry  away  with  them  to  the 
isles  became  immovable ;  and  a  penny  which  was 
twice  offered  before  the  same,  twice  leapt  back. 

(Milo  de  Cogan  is  left  by  the  earl  as  governor  of  Dublin. 
Roderic  of  Connaught,  in  retaliation  for  an  irruption  by  Dermot 
and  his  allies  beyond  the  borders  of  Leinster  into  the  territory 
of  his  old  enemy  O'Ruarc,  king  of  Meath,  after  in  vain  warning 
Dermot,  put  to  death  the  son  of  the  latter  whom  he  held  as  a 
hostage  [chap.  x.  of  Gerald  above].) 


A.D.  1170. — The  council  at  Armagh. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  I.  cap.  xviii. 

After  these  events  a  general  assembly  of  the  Irish 
clergy  was  held  at  Armagh,  and  the  coming  of  the 
strangers  into  Ireland  was  discussed  at  some  length. 
Finally  they  arrived  at  the  following  conclusion  : — That 
it  must  be  for  the  sins  of  their  countrymen,  and  espe- 
cially in  punishment  for  their  inveterate  custom  of 
indiscriminately  buying  Englishmen  from  merchants, 
bandits,  and  pirates,  and  using  them  as  slaves,  that 

*  This  act  of  treachery  on  the  part  of  the  English  is  spoken 
of  in  the  Four  Masters  as  "a  miracle  wrought  against  them 
\the  Ostmen\  ...  in  consequence  of  their  violation  of  their 
word  to  the  men  of  Ireland." 

t  The  isles  to  the  west  and  north  of  Scotland  were  settled  by 
their  Norwegian  fellow-countrymen,  as  also  was  Man. 


iiyo  CONVOCATION  AT  CLONFERT.  39 

the  vengeance  of  Heaven  had  inflicted  this  evil  upon 
them,  whereby  they  themselves  by  a  just  retaliation 
were  in  turn  reduced  to  servitude  by  that  very  nation. 
For  it  had  been  the  vicious  but  common  practice  of 
the  English  people,  when  their  kingdom  was  yet 
intact,*  to  offer  the  children  of  their  country  for  sale, 
and  that  too  without  the  excuse  of  poverty  or  famine ; 
indeed,  they  would  send  their  own  sons  and  kinsmen 
to  Ireland  to  be  sold.  Whence  it  can  readily  be 
believed  that  for  the  perpetration  of  such  an  enormity 
the  buyers  had  now  deserved  the  yoke  of  slavery, 
even  as  the  sellers  had  had  to  undergo  it  in  former 
times.f  Wherefore  it  was  decreed  by  the  aforesaid 
council  and  by  general  assent  publicly  proclaimed 
that  throughout  the  island  all  Englishmen  who  were 
held  in  bondage  should  be  restored  to  liberty. 

A.D.  1170.— [Convocation  of  the  clergy  at  Clonfert.] 

Annals  of  Clonmacnoise  ;  11 70:  Mageoghegan's 
MS.  Translation  f7'o??i  the  Irish. 

"  In  the  year  one  thousand  one  hundred  and 
seventy  last  mentioned  there  was  a  great  convocation 
of  the  clergy  of  Ireland  at  Clonfert  by  commission 
from  the  pope  [Alexander  III.\  for  the  reformation 

*  i.e.  before  the  Norman  Conquest.  After  the  conquest  the 
slave-trade  was  prohibited  by  William  I.,  Wulfstan,  bishop  of 
Worcester,  being  the  Wilberforce  of  the  time.  But  it  still  went 
on,  especially  at  Bristol,  and  the  decision  of  the  Council  of 
Armagh  seems  to  have  been  intended  to  prevent  Henry  from 
urging  this  as  a  pretext  for  the  invasion,  though  we  do  not  find 
it  mentioned  as  a  reason  in  his  appeal  to  the  pope  to  sanction 
the  enterprise.  t  Alluding  to  the  Norman  Conqu£st. 


40  DEATH  OF  DERMOT.  1171 

of  certain  abuses  of  a  long  time  used  in  Ireland.  .  .  . 
There  it  was  laid  down  by  them  by  constitution  that 
no  layman  should  have  the  rule  of  any  church  or 
church  matters  from  henceforth.  .  .  .  That  holy 
orders  should  be  given  to  bishops'  or  priests'  sons. 
And  for  example  of  these  their  constitutions  they  took 
the  livings  of  seven  bishops  that  had  bishopricks  and 
were  laymen." 

(The  success  of  the  invasion  had  by  this  time  turned 
Henry  II. 's  contempt  for  it  into  jealousy,  for  to  permit  any- 
thing like  an  "  imperium  in  imperio  "  had  been  directly  contrary 
to  Crown  policy  since  the  Norman  Conquest.  He  now  [1170] 
issued  an  edict  recalling  the  adventurers  and  placing  the  Irish 
ports  under  a  kind  of  "nominal  blockade,"  and  so  cut  off  the 
English  forces  in  the  island  from  their  supplies.  The  earl, 
being  therefore  in  great  distress,  sent  off  Reimund  to  the  court 
in  Aquitaine  to  say  that  he  placed  his  Irish  conquests  un- 
reservedly at  the  royal  disposal.  The  messenger  could  get  no 
reply.  Hervey  de  Montmaurice  was  then  despatched  to  regain 
the  king's  favour.) 

Radvlph.  Nig.  Contin.  1170. 

[Henry]  had  in  mind  to  appoint  him  \i.e,  his  son 
John,  then  a  child\  king  of  Ireland,  for  he  had  taken 
that  island  away  from  his  loyal  subject  Richard,  earl 
of  Strigul,  who  had  lawfully  acquired  it  by  his  own 
valour,  and  held  it  as  the  heritage  of  his  wife. 

[May  1st,  A.D.  1171.— Death  of  Dermot,  king  of 
Leinster.] 

Annals  of  the  Four  Masters :  1171;  O^ Donovan's 
Translation  from  the  Irish. 

"Dermot  Mac  Murrough,  king  of  Leinster,  by 
whom  a  trembling  sod  was  made  of  all  Ireland — after 


1 171       DEFEAT  OF  HASCULF  AT  DUBLIN.         41 

having  brought  over  the  Saxons,  after  having  done 
extensive  injuries  to  the  Irish,  after  plundering  and 
burning  many  churches  .  .  . — died  before  the  end  of 
a  year  (after  this  plundering),  of  an  insufferable  and 
unknown  disease.  For  he  became  putrid  while  living, 
through  the  miracle  of  God,  Colum-cille,  and  Finnan,* 
and  other  saints  of  Ireland,  whose  churches  he  had 
profaned  and  burned  some  time  before ;  and  he  died 
at  Fearna-mor  \Ferns\  without  (making)  a  will,  without 
penance,  without  the  body  of  Christ,  without  unction, 
as  his  evil  deeds  deserved." 


May  16th,  A.D.  1171.— Overthrow  of  the  Ostmen  at 
Dublin. 

Girald.  Cambi'.  Exptig.  Hibern.  Lib.  i.  cap.  xxi. 

About  the  same  time,  on  White-Sunday  ^^May  i6tA], 
Hasculf,  formerly  king  of  the  [Ostjmen  of  Dublin, 
burning  for  revenge,  sailed  into  the  Liflfey  with  Nor- 
wegians and  islanders  in  60  galleys  to  attack  the  city. 
They  poured  from  the  vessels  in  eager  haste,  led  by 
John  surnamed  the  *  Wood  ' — '  Insanus  '  or  '  Vehe- 
mens'  in  the  Latin  tongue—,  a  man  of  warlike  soul. 
All,  in  Danish  fashion,  were  clad  in  mail ;  some  in  ring 
hauberks  reaching  low,  others  in  tegulated  armour  f 
of  skilful  make.    Their  shields  were  round  and  painted 

*  Abbot  of  Clonard  in  Meath.  Said  to  have  been  the  tutor 
of  upwards  of  3000  Irish  saints.  He  died  in  548,  and  his  saint's 
day  is  December  12th. 

t  Small  tile-shaped  plates  sewn  on  to  a  leather  jerkin.  The 
plates  were  sometimes  made  of  bone,  but  not  so  here,  as  the  Latin 
text  expressly  states. 


42  FEAT  OF  JOHN  THE    WOOD,  1171 

red,*  and  iron-bound  about  the  rim.  They  were  men 
of  iron  hearts  as  well  as  iron  arms.  In  ordered  array 
they  advanced  to  the  walls  hard  by  the  eastern  gate 
\^St.  Mary's  Fort]. 

But  Milo  de  Cogan,  who  was  then  governor  of  the 
city,  though  the  garrison  was  far  inferior  in  numbers, 
with  all  the  intrepidity  of  his  nature  boldly  sallied  out 
to  meet  them.  With  so  small  a  band,  however,  he 
could  not  stand  against  the  onset  of  the  enemy,  and 
after  losing  some  of  his  men — one  of  whom  had  his 
thigh,  though  it  was  encased  in  steel,  together  with 
the  skirt  of  his  mail-shirt  cut  through  with  one  blow 
of  an  axe  f — ,  he  was  pressed  back  and  compelled  to 
retire  within  the  gate ;  when  Richard  de  Cogan,  Milo's 
brother,  who  had  quietly  issued  with  a  few  followers 
from  the  southern  postern,  fell  with  fierce  shouts  upon 
the  rear  of  the  Ostmen.  Owing  to  this  unlooked-for 
and  sudden  event,  and  attacked  as  they  were  on  front 
and  flank,  the  enemy  were  soon  beaten,  and  took  to 
flight.  So  doubtful  ever  are  the  chances  of  war. 
Almost  all  were  put  to  the  sword,  including  John  the 
Wood  :  the  latter,  indeed,  defended  himself  right  well, 
but  was  at  length  taken  and  killed  by  Walter  de 
Ridenesford  aided  by  some  others,  Hasculf  was 
haled  back  from  the  sea-shore,  over  which  he  was 
fleeing  to  his  galleys,  and  to  grace  the  victory  was  led 
alive  into  the  city  where  he  had  so  lately  ruled.     It 

*  Red  was  the  national  colour  of  the  Scandinavian  races,  and 
may  survive  in  the  red  coats  of  our  soldiers  to  this  day, 

t  This  feat  was  performed  by  John  the  Wood,  who  slew  also 
nine  or  ten  other  Englishmen  \,Kegan\. 


1 1 7 1     THE  EN GLISH  BL 0 CKADED  IN  D  UBLIN.    43 

was  intended  to  keep  him  for  ransom,  and  he  was 
brought  before  Milo  in  the  justice-hall,  when  in  his 
wrath  he  burst  out  in  the  presence  of  everybody  with 
this  imprudent  speech : — '  We  came  with  a  mere  hand- 
ful of  men  this  time ;  *  it  was  but  a  first  attempt  But 
only  let  me  live,  and  you  shall  see  a  very  different 
effort,  one  to  which  this  will  be  a  trifle.'  On  hearing 
this,  Milo  had  him  at  once  beheaded. 

***** 

(Owing  to  Henry  II. *s  prohibition  of  intercourse  with  Ireland, 
the  English  there  were  reduced  to  great  straits  for  want  of  food 
and  reinforcements.  Encouraged  by  this  archbishop  Laurence 
and  Roderic  of  Connaught  roused  the  native  princes  to  besiege 
the  earl  in  Dublin,  and  invited  Guthred,  king  of  Man,  and  the 
Norse  wickings  of  the  isles  to  co-operate  by  sea.  The  latter 
were  ready  enough  to  do  so,  apart  from  the  promised  pay,  for 
they  felt  anxious  at  the  progress  of  the  English  arms  in  Ireland. 
"When  the  siege  had  lasted  neaily  two  months,  the  defenders, 
who  were  almost  starved  out,  made,  by  the  advice  of  Maurice 
Fitz-Gerald  and  Milo  de  Cogan,  a  desperate  sortie,  in  which 
they  routed  and  dispersed  the  besiegers,  although  the  latter  are 
said  to  have  numbered  60,000  men.  The  garrison  then  marched 
to  the  relief  of  the  camp  at  the  *'Crag,"  where  Fitz-Stephen 
had  for  some  time  been  beleaguered  by  the  men  of  Wexford  and 
Kinselagh  [Kenceleia\,  who  were  in  revolt.  While  on  the  way, 
the  earl  heard  that  Fitz-Stephen  and  his  little  band  had  been 
taken  by  treachery  and  their  stake  and  turf-built  fort  destroyed 
[II7I]-) 

*  The  numbers  are  given  by  Regan  as  high  as  20,000,  in 
100  galleys.  It  was  like  a  Northman  to  break  out  in  this 
reckless  way,  though  he  might  well  be  wroth,  not  only  at  the 
beating  he  had  just  received,  but  also  at  the  recollection  of  the 
treachery  of  the  English  by  which  he  originally  lost  Dublin 
(chap,  xvii.  of  Gerald  above). 


44  FITZ-MAURICE  ADVISES  A  SALLY.        1171 

A.D.  1171. — The  speech  of  [Fitz-]Maurice  [advising 
the  sally  from  Dublin]. 

Girald.  Cambr,  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  i.  cap.  xxiii. 

*  'Tis  not  in  search  of  pleasure,  men,  nor  as  sum- 
moned to  a  life  of  ease,  that  we  are  in  this  land. 
Rather  'tis  to  challenge  the  ups  and  downs  of  destiny, 
and  at  the  peril  of  our  lives  to  test  the  mettle  of  our 
manhood.  At  times  whirled  aloft  to  Fortune's 
highest  pitch,  to-day,  see,  we  are  precipitated  to  her 
lowest  depths !  Such  the  rotations  of  her  flying 
wheel !  Such  the  mutability  of  mundane  things  ! 
Thus  in  checkered  change  do  good  and  ill  hap 
alternate.  The  sun  goes  up  the  sky,  the  heavens 
revolve,  and  even  so  it  sets  again.  Eastward  it  wends 
its  way,  and  the  beams  of  its  rise  in  turn  light  up 
once  more  the  shadows  of  the  West.  We  whom 
hitherto  a  glorious  and  triumphant  prosperity  has  pro- 
vided with  all  that  we  could  wish  to  have,  we  are 
engirt  with  foes  by  land  and  sea  and  lack  the  bare 
necessities  of  life.  No  succour  comes  to  us  by  ship, 
nor  if  such  succour  came  would  it  avail,  for  the 
avenues  of  aid  are  closed  by  a  hostile  fleet. 

Fitz-Stephen,  too,  whose  gallant  soul  and  noble 
enterprise  opened  a  path  for  us  into  this  land,  is 
hemmed  in  by  a  vindictive  race,  isolated,  and  con- 
fined within  the  bulwark  of  a  frail  fort  of  mud  and 
sticks.  What  then  are  we  to  look  for?  Is  it  for 
help  from  our  countrymen  across  the  channel  ?  AVhy, 
they  regard  us  no  less  as  Irishmen  than  we  do  the 
besiegers  you  see  around  our  walls.      It  would   be 


1 171  REIMUND  ADVISES  A  SALLY.  45 

hard  to  say  whether  in  that  island  or  in  this  we  are 
held  in  greater  hate.  Away  with  hesitation,  then! 
Away  with  cowardice  !  '  Fortune  befriends  the  ven- 
turesome ! '  *  Let  us,  therefore,  sally  out  upon  the 
enemy  like  men,  while  our  failing  stock  of  food  still 
gives  us  strength  to  do  so  !  A  few  bold  hearts,  a  few 
stout  arms  well  trained  to  wield  the  sword,  hearts 
that  know  but  how  to  dare,  arms  that  have  carved  but 
a  record  of  victory  in  the  past, — these  can  crush  to 
powder  whole  multitudes  of  an  ill-armed,  craven 
rabble  such  as  that  which  sits  about  our  gates.' 

Such  words  he  utters  in  impassioned  tone ; 
And  though  sore  sick  at  heart  with  anxious  care, 
Yet  feigns  a  cheerfulness  he  cannot  feel  : 
Hope  on  his  brow,  deep  in  his  breast  despair.  | 

When  Maurice  closed  his  speech,  Reimund,  who 
felt  as  keenly  as  he  the  same  anxiety,  spoke  at  some 
length  amid  general  applause  to  a  similar  effect.  He 
added,  too,  that  they  should  direct  their  chief  attack 
upon  the  king  of  Connaught,  as  being  pre-eminently 
the  leader  of  the  native  force;  since,  if  he  were 
worsted,  they  would  have  little  difficulty  in  dealing 
with  the  other  divisions  of  the  blockading  host.  J 

(Regan  says  that  the  earl  was  inclined  to  an  accommodation 
with  Roderic,  and  proposed  to  hold  Leinster  of  him  in  fee,  but 
that  archbishop  Laurence,  who  was  sent  to  negociate  with  the 
Irish,  brought  back  terms  too  hard  to  accept,  and  then  Milo  de 
Cogan  recommended  a  sally.  According  to  the  same  authority 
this  siege  of  Dublin  took  place  before  the  assault  by  Hasculf. ) 

*  Verg.  yEn.  x.  284.  t  Verg.  ^n.  i.  208. 

X  These  orations  (see  below,  Gerald,  II.   13)  are,  of  course, 
imaginary. 


46  THE  SALLY.  1171 

A.D.  1171.— The  sally  from  Dublin. 

Regan's  Anglo-Norman  Poenii  11.  1877- 1955. 
Such  grievous  terms  unto  the  earl 

The  great  archbishop  brake  ; 
But  Cogan,  ever  blithe  of  heart, 

Upsprang  and  roundly  spake  : 
'  A  goodly  tale  of  horse  and  foot, 

Sirs  barons,  have  we  here-; 
Then  silent  lead  we  our  array 
Yon  rabble  rout  to  sweep  away ; 

God  helps  not  those  who  fear.' 
Straight  forty  cavaliers  turned  out 

With  Milo  in  the  van, 
A  hundred  spears  and  sixty  bows. 

His  vassals  to  a  man. 
And  hard  behind  Big  Reimund  *  came 

With  forty  horsemen  more. 
And  eke  a  hundred  men-at-arms, 

And  archers  thrice  a  score. 
To  close  the  rear,  with  Strigul's  earl 

A  forty  knights  there  rode, 
A  hundred  veteran  lances  too, 

And  sixty  bowmen  strode. 
Well  found,  in  sooth,  that  soldiery 

In  garniture  of  might : 
The  sun-ray  glanced  on  shield  and  helm. 

On  glaive  and  hauberk  bright. 
Now  when  the  good  earl's  trusty  train 

Had  cleared  the  barbican, 

*  "  Reimund  le  Gros  "  in  the  text. 


1 171  THE  SALLY,  47 

From  column  all  to  line  outwheeled, 

Ere  the  advance  began. 
The  foreguard  still,  two  hundred  strong, 

Did  bold  de  Cogan  head  ; 
As  many  more  Big  Reimund  next 

The  central  battle  led. 
And  last  brought  up  the  triple  rank 

Two  hundred  soldiers  tall. 
Well  proved  retainers  of  the  earl : 

Six  hundred  men  in  all 
And  side  by  side  with  Milo  went 

(So  sings  the  ballad  old), 
Donnell  Kavenagh  Dermot's  son, 
Anlaf,*  O'Reilly  of  Turbrun, 

Of  whom  before  we  told. 
No  wit,  nor  bode  of  coming  doom  f 

Had  Rory's  {  savage  horde, 
Nor  spied,  nor  heard  the  iron  troop. 

That  noiseless  trode  the  sward. 
For  Finglas  right,  with  purpose  prompt, 

De  Cogan  led  the  way. 
For  there  O'Connor's  camp  was  set : 

Each  heart  beat  high  and  gay. 
With  evensong  §  the  band  drew  near 

To  where  the  siegers  lay  ; 
When  sharp  de  Cogan's  best  rang  out, 

That  gave  the  word  to  slay. 

*  Anlaf  O'Carvi. 

t  The  Irish  expected  no  attack,  especially  as  there  had  been 
some  skirmishing  that  morning. 
X  Roderic.  §  Gerald,  I.  24. 


48  ROUT  OF  THE  BESIEGERS.  117] 

*  Strike,  strike,  in  name  of  Holy  Cross, 

Strike,  barons,  tarry  not ; 
In  name  of  Jesu,  Mary's  Son, 

Death,  death  to  Erse  and  Scot' 
Then  lord  and  liegeman,  o'er  the  fence, 

Burst  into  hut  and  tent. 
And  bravely  beat  the  quarters  up, 

And  smote  till  they  were  spent. 
Thrust  out  pellmell  the  Irish  host 

In  panic  poured  away ; 
And  over  the  wastern  wild  they  spread. 

As  scattered  sheep  might  stray. 
***** 

At  prime  we  numbered  of  the  kerne 

Full  fifteen  hundred  dead  ; 
While  stricken  of  our  Englishrie 

A  single  footman  bled 


A.D.   1171. — The  treacherous  capture  of  Fitz- 
Stephen. 

Cirald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibem.  Lib.  I.  cap.  xxv. 

But  the  whirligig  of  Fortune  is  ever  varying  pros- 
perity with  disaster  :  Fortune  who  can  be  an  enduring 
friend  to  no  man,  who  wills  not  that  there  fall  to  any 
on  this  earth  a  stable  and  a  perfect  happiness.  And 
so  in  the  mean  time  the  men  of  Wexford,  with  those 
of  Kenceleia,  being  together  about  3000,  treating  with 
contempt  the  claims  of  honour  and  the  obligations  of 
the  pledges  they  had  sworn,  came  unexpectedly  upon 
Fitz-Stephen,  who  had  apprehended  nothing  of  the 


1 171  FITZ-STEPHEN  A   PRISONER.  49 

sort,  shut  him  up  in  his  fort*  with  five  men-at-arms 
and  a  few  archers  and  harassed  him  with  incessant 
assaults.  But  the  besieged,  although  a  mere  handful, 
showed  the  greatest  readiness  in  repelling  their  attacks, 
and  one  William  Not,  a  man-at-arms,  especially  dis- 
tinguished himself  in  the  defence.  Whereupon,  finding 
that  force  availed  them  nothing,  the  Irish  had  recourse 
to  their  usual  weapons  of  cunning  and  deceit.  Bring- 
ing, therefore,  up  to  the  entrenchments  two  bishops, 
those  of  Wexford  and  Kildare,  and  other  persons 
attired  in  sacred  vestments,  they  all  took  their  corporal 
oaths  t  upon  certain  holy  relics  that  Dublin  had  fallen; 
that  the  earl,  Maurice,  Reimund,  and  every  English- 
man there  had  been  slain ;  and  that  the  host  of 
Connaught,  in  conjunction  with  that  of  Leinster,  was 
already  marching  upon  Wexford.  They  protested, 
too,  that  they  were  acting  in  the  best  interests  of  Fitz- 
Stephen  in  oifering  terms ;  that,  since  he  had  been  a 
kindly  and  liberal  prince  to  them,  they  only  desired 
to  give  him  and  his  garrison  a  safe  passage  across  to 
Wales  before  the  arrival  of  the  great  army  of  his  bitter 
enemy  the  high-king.  To  these  asseverations  Fitz- 
Stephen  at  length  yielded  credence,  and  entrusted 
himself  and  his  followers  to  their  good  faith.  Never- 
theless they  at  once  set  upon  the  Englishmen, 
slaughtered  some  outright,  and  cruelly  entreating 
others  with  stripes  or  wounds,  bound  them  and  flung 

*  At  "  The  Crag."     He  had  sent  thirty-six  of  his  men  to  the 
assistance  of  the  earl  at  Dublin  {Regaii) . 

t  ix.  swore  touching  with  the  hand  the  Gospels,  a  crucifix,  or 
some  relic. 

D 


50  DESCRIPTION  OF  STRONG  BOW.  1171 

them  into  prison.  But  immediately  afterwards  fame 
on  speeding  wing  brought  the  true  news  of  the  dis- 
comfiture of  the  besiegers  at  Dublin  and  of  the 
advance  of  the  earl.  Whereupon  the  traitors  lost  no 
time  in  setting  fire  to  the  whole  city  with  their  own 
hands,  and  ferried  themselves  with  all  their  families, 
goods,  and  captives  over  to  the  island  of  Begeri, 
which  lay  in  the  mouth  of  the  harbour  and  is  also 
called  Holy  Isle. 

A  description  of  the  earL 

Girald,  Cambr.  Expug.  Hiberti.  Lib.  i.  cap.  xxvii. 

As  for  the  earl  personally,  he  was  a  man  with 
reddish  hair  and  fireckled  face,  bright  gray  eyes, 
delicate,  even  feminine,  features,  a  high  voice  and  a 
short  neck.  Beyond  this  there  was  nothing  much  to 
remark  except  his  stature,  which  was  above  the 
average.  He  was  a  free-handed  man,  and  mild  of 
disposition.  What  exertion  could  not  effect  he 
attained  by  suavity  of  speech.  In  private  life  he  was 
more  ready  to  be  led  by  others  than  to  lead.  In 
time  of  peace  he  appeared  less  like  a  general  than 
like  an  ordinary  soldier  ;  yet  in  war  he  was  rather  a 
tactician  than  a  fighting  man.  If  supported  by  the 
advice  of  his  subordinates,  he  would  dare  anything, 
but  he  never  relied  on  his  own  judgment  so  far  as  to 
take  the  initiative  in  ordering  an  attack,  and  he  never 
of  his  own  inclination  staked  all  on  mere  personal 
valour.  During  an  engagement,  where  his  standard 
waved,  there  was  ever  a  firm  rallying  point  or  a  safe 


1 17 1  HENRY II.  RECONCILED  TO  STRONGBOW.  5 1 

refuge  for  his  men.  In  victory  and  in  defeat  he  dis- 
played the  same  equanimity,  the  same  unwavering 
purpose :  by  the  former  he  was  not  puffed  up,  in  the 
latter  he  did  not  despair. 

A.D.  1171. — [How  the  Irish  fanned  the  king's  jealousy 
•with  complaints  against  Strongbow.] 

Gervas.  Cantuar.  11 71. 

Finally  he  \the  earl]  gained  possession  of  the  fair 
city  of  Dublin,  and  began  to  cruelly  harass  the 
natives.  Wherefore  the  kings  and  inhabitants  of  the 
land  were  roused  to  wrath,  and  by  frequent  attacks  did 
all  they  could  to  drive  away  their  oppressors.  But 
finding  it  impossible  to  prevail  over  soldiers  who, 
although  few^er  in  number  than  themselves,  were 
braver  and  more  skilful,  they  sent  ambassadors  to  the 
king  of  England  to  pray  him  to  come  into  Ireland 
and  by  taking  over  the  lordship  of  the  country  himself 
to  relieve  them  from  the  insolence  and  tyranny  of 
earl  Richard 

A.D.  1171. — Of  the  meeting  of  the  earl  -with  the 
king  of  the  English, 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern,  Lib.  I.  cap.  xxviii. 

On  receipt  of  these  tidings,*  they  turned  rein  to  the 
right  in  great  bitterness  of  heart  and  took  the  road  to 
Waterford.     There  they  found  Hervey,  just  returned 

*  The  news  of  the  capture  by  treachery  of  Fitz-Stephen  at 
'*  The  Crag,"  coupled  with  a  message  that  any  attempt  at  rescue 
would  be  met  by  the  instant  decapitation  of  the  prisoners. 


52  HENRY  II.   LANDS  IN  IRELAND.  1171 

from  his  mission  to  the  king  of  the  English  :  he  bore 
letters,  and  a  verbal  message  as  wellj  inviting  the  earl 
also  to  go  to  England.  So  the  latter,  as  the  wind  was 
favourable,  at  once  crossed  the  water  and  found  the 
king  at  Newnham  in  Gloucestershire,  fully  prepared 
to  pass  over  with  a  considerable  army.  There,  after 
a  good  deal  of  altercation,  the  royal  anger  against  the 
earl  was,  through  the  address  and  mediation  of 
Hervey,  at  length  appeased,  on  the  understanding 
that  he  should  renew  his  oath  of  fealty  and  give  up 
to  the  king  the  chief  city  of  Ireland,  that  is  Dublin, 
together  with  its  adjacent  hundreds,  and  also  the 
maritime  towns  and  all  castles.  The  rest  of  his 
conquests  he  and  his  heirs  were  to  recognize  as  held 
of  the  king  and  his  successors  The  question  having 
been  settled  on  these  terms,  the  king  set  out  along 
the  coast  road  leading  to  St.  David's,*  and  reaching 
Pembrokeshire  soon  got  together  a  gallant  fleet  in 
Milford  Haven. 

(Meanwhile  O'Ruarc,  king  of  Meath,  taking  advantage  of  the 
absence  of  the  earl,  made  an  attack  on  Dublin,  which  Milo  de 
Cogan  defeated  by  another  sally.  On  the  i8th  October  the 
English  king  reached  Waterford  with  400  ships  carrying  5CXD 
knightSjt  4000  men-at-arms,  and  several  thousand  archers.) 

*  The  same  road  as  that  taken  by  the  earl  [chap.  xvi.  of 
Gerald  abovel  Hanmer  states  that  at  this  time  Strongbow's 
possessions  in  England  and  Normandy  were  restored  to  him  by 
the  king.      His  authority  is  the  Chronicles  of  Conway  Abbey. 

t  Many  of  the  men-at-arms  who  were  employed  in  the  con- 
quest of  Ireland  were  Flemish  mercenaries,  "  Brabanters."  In 
fact  in  this  war  we  find  in  motley  collision  Anglo-Norman, 
Fleming,  Brythonic  Kelt,  Goidelic  Kelt,  Iberian,  and  Norseman. 


1171  SUBMISSION  OF  NATIVE  KINGS.  53 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug,  Hibern.  Lib.  i.  cap.  xxx. 
***** 
Then  was  fulfilled   that  prophecy   of   Merlin   the 
Wild  :— 

From  out  the  distant  East  a  fiery  star  shall  rise, 
Full  in  whose  fatal  path  foredoomed  Hibernia  lies. 
And  that  of  Moling  the  Erseman  : — 

From  the  yawning  gates  of  the  blood-red  morn 

Outpoureth  the  whirlwind's  rush, 
Which  hasting  ever  its  Westward  course 
Ivernia's  life  shall  crush. 
***** 
(While  Henry  II.  was  yet  at  Waterford,  the  men  of  Wexford 
in  order  to  curry  favour  with  him,  placed  in  his  hands  their 
prisoner  Fitz-Stephen,  complaining  that  he  had  been  the  first  to 
establish  for  his  countrymen  a  precedent  for  invading  Ireland  with- 
out the  permission  of  their  over-lord  the  English  king.     Heniy, 
probably  partly  to  conciliate  the  natives,  partly  to  make  a  show 
of  his  authority  over  the  Norman  adventurers  in  Ireland,  sent 
him  off,  still  a  prisoner,  to  Reginald's  Tower,  but  soon  after 
released   hinr.      The    kings    of  Desmond   and   Thomond   now 
voluntarily  came  to  make  formal   submission   to    Henry,  who 
appointed  his  own  officers  over  their  respective  capitals,  Cork 
and   Limerick.     Other   chiefs   of  South    Ireland   followed   the 
example  thus  set ;  as  also,  when  the  king  went  to  Dublin  after 
the  Synod  of  Cashel,  did  those  of  Leinster  and  Meath  and  one 
of  the  lords  of  Uriel.     Finally  the  kigh-king  Roderic  acknow- 
ledged him  as  over-lord,  though  he  was  reluctant  to  do  so.) 

Go'vas.  Cantuar.  1171. 
For  he  {^Rodericl  said   that  the  whole  of  Ireland 
was  rightly  his,  and  that  all  the  other  kings  of  that 
land  ought  to  be  placed  under  his  authority. 

(But  even  when  he  did  submit  he  would  not  go  in  person  to 
the  English  king.) 


54  SYNOD  OF  CASHEL.  1171^^-1172 

Radulph.  de  Dicet.  Ymag.  Hist.  11 71. 
But  Roderic,  the  kinglet  of  Connaught,  relying  on 
the  natural  defences  of  that  province,  did  not  con- 
descend to  come  and  meet  the  English  monarch. 
For  his  territory  is  rendered  inaccessible  by  the 
immense  swamps  which  lie  along  its  borders  and 
present  no  convenient  fords,  are  nowhere  bridged 
over,  and  are  unsafe  for  boats. 

(The  princes  of  Ulster  alone  held  aloof.  The  title  assumed 
by  the  English  king  was  lord  of  Ireland,  and  so  it  remained  till 
the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.) 


[Nov.  6th]  A.D.  [1171  or]  1172.— The  Synod  of 
Cashel. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibertu  Lib.  I.  cap.  xxxiv. 

The  island  was  now  tranquil  in  the  presence  of 
the  king,  and  enjoyed  the  blessings  of  peace  and  rest. 
Moved,  therefore,  by  zeal  for  the  advancement  of  the 
glory  of  the  Church  of  God  and  the  honour  of  Christ 
in  those  parts,  he  summoned  a  synod  of  all  the  clergy 
of  Ireland  to  meet  at  Cashel.  A  public  inquiry  was 
there  made  into  the  evil  ways  and  foul  lives  of  the 
people  of  that  land,  and  the  evidence  carefully  reduced 
to  writing  under  the  seal  of  the  legate  of  Lismore,* 
who  by  virtue  of  his  office  presided  over  the  assembly. 
Wherefore  the  synod  enacted  many  godly  constitu- 
tions, which  are  still  extant,  touching  the  contracting 
of  marriages,  the  payment  of  tithes,  the  reverence  due 

♦  Christian,  bishop  of  Lismore  from  11 50  to  1175,  and  at  this 
time  papal  legate  as  well. 


1171^1172  SYNOD   OF  CASHEL.  55 

to  sacred  buildings,  and  of  regular  attendance  thereat. 
These  canons  the  king  published  with  the  object  of 
assimilating  the  Church  of  Ireland  in  all  respects  to 
the  discipline  of  the  Anglican  Church. 

Rog.  Houeden.  Chron.  [1171  or\  1172. 

I.  At  this  synod  it  was  ordained  that  children 
should  be  brought  to  the  churches  and  be  there 
baptized  in  clean  water  with  three  immersions,  in  the 
name  of  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost. 
And  that  this  be  done  by  priests,  unless,  through  fear 
of  death  intervening,  it  be  expedient  that  the  cere- 
mony be  performed  by  a  person  other  than  a  priest 
and  elsewhere  than  in  a  church.  And  that  in  such 
case  the  function  may  be  discharged  by  any  one, 
irrespective  of  sex  or  calling. 

Benedict.  Abbat.  gest.  reg.  Hen.  II.  1171  \pr  1172]. 

For  before  that  time  it  had  been  the  custom  in 
divers  parts  of  Ireland  for  the  newly  born  infant  to  be 
thrice  dipped  by  its  father,  or  anybody  else,  in  milk ;  * 
while  such  milk  or  water  that  might  be  thus  used  was 
then  thrown  into  the  drains  or  some  other  unclean 
place. 

Rog.  Houeden.  Chron.  [1171  or\  1 172. 

II.  &  III.  Item  that  tithes  of  all  possessions  be 
paid  to  the  churches.     Item  that  all  laics  who  may 

*  Possibly  a  relic  of  some  ancient  pagan  or  medical  custom. 
Campion  says  that  even  at  his  day  in  some  parts  of  Ireland  the 
right  arm  was  left  unchristened,  "that  it  might  give  a  more 
ungracious  and  deadly  blow." 


56  SYNOD   OF  CASHEL.  1171^?  1 172 

desire  to  take  wives  shall  do  so  according  to  ecclesi- 
astical law. 

Benedict.  Abbat.  gest.  reg.  Hen.  II.  1171  [or  11 72], 

For  most  of  them  were  accustomed  to  have  as 
many  wives  as  they  wished,  and  would  even  wed  their 
nearest  relatives. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expxig,  Hibern.  Lib.  I.  cap.  xxxv. 

IV.  That  all  church  lands  and  possessions  be  en- 
tirely exempt  from  imposts  by  secular  men.  And 
especially  that  neither  the  native  kinglets  \reguli\,  nor 
the  royal  earls,  nor  any  magnates  of  Ireland,  nor  their 
sons  and  households,  shall  exact  provisions  and  lodging 
in  ecclesiastical  territory  as  the  custom  has  been,  nor 
henceforward  presume  to  extort  such  by  violence. 
And  that  the  detestable  practice  followed  by  the  earls 
of  taking  purveyance  from  the  neighbouring  ecclesi- 
astical towns  four  times  yearly  be  in  future  wholly 
discontinued. 

V.  That  in  the  case  of  composition  for  homicide 
by  laics,  clerks,  though  of  kin  to  them,  shall  in  no 
wise  contribute  thereto ;  but  as  they  were  free  of 
share  in  the  deed,  so  shall  they  be  free  of  share  in  the 
payment  therefor. 

VI.  That  all  good  Christian  men  who  may  be 
taken  with  sickness  shall  in  the  presence  of  their 
confessors  and  neighbours  make  their  last  solemn 
testaments  in  due  form.  That  the  movable  goods  of 
any  such,  if  he  have  wife  and  offspring,  (debts  and 
wages  being  first  deducted)  be  divided  into  three 
parts.    Of  these  he  shall  bequeath  one  to  his  children, 


1171^^1172  SYNOD   OF  CASHEL.  57 

another  to  his  wife,  being  lawful,  and  the  third  to 
such  purpose  as  he  may  declare.  And  if  haply  he 
have  not  legitimate  issue,  then  shall  his  goods  be 
divided  in  equal  shares  between  himself*  and  his 
wife.  And  if  his  wife,  being  lawful,  shall  have  pre- 
deceased him,  in  that  case  the  property  shall  be 
apportioned  to  himself*  and  to  his  children  in  two 
equal  lots. 

VI I.  That  to  those  who  may  depart  this  life  after 
good  confession  due  obsequies  be  paid,  with  masses, 
vigils,  and  burial  rites. 

Thus  all  sacred  offices  shall  henceforth  be  uni- 
versally performed  in  conformity  with  the  usage  of 
the  Holy  Catholic  Church  as  observed  by  the  Anglican 
Church.  For  it  is  right  and  just  that  as  Heaven  has 
allotted  to  Ireland  a  lord  and  king  from  England,  so 
also  the  former  island  should  receive  therefrom  an 
amended  mode  of  life.  In  truth  it  is  to  this  magni- 
ficent king  that  both  church  and  state  in  Ireland  owe 
whatever  accession  of  peace  and  religion  they  have  so 
far  gained ;  since  before  his  coming  into  that  country 
all  sorts  and  kinds  of  wickedness  had  sprung  up  there 
through  a  long  period  of  time,  which  by  his  authority 

and  care  have  now  been  done  away  with. 

• 

Rog,  Houeden.  Chron.  [1171  <7r]  I172. 
The  king  of  England,  further,  sent  a  copy  of  the 
charters  of  all  the  archbishops  and  bishops  of  Ireland 
to  pope  Alexander  [iii],  and  the  holy  father  himself 

*  i.e.  for  his  residuary  legatees ;  cf.  Coronation  Charters  of 
Henry  I.  and  Stephen, 


58    CHARTERS  GRANTED  TO  DUBLIN.    1171^^1172 

by  the  apostolic  authority  confirmed  to  him  and  to 
his  heirs  the  kingdom  of  Ireland  according  to  the 
tenour  of  the  charters  of  the  archbishops  and  bishops 
of  that  land. 

After  these  transactions  had  been  finally  completed 
at  Waterford,  the  king  of  England  went  on  thence  to 
Dublin,  and  stayed  there  from  the  feast  of  St.  Martin  * 
till  the  beginning  of  fast-tide  \Le?it\  While  in  that 
place  he  had  built  for  him,  hard  by  the  church  of  the 
Apostle  St.  Andrew,  outside  the  city  of  Dublin,  a  royal 
palace,  constructed  with  marvellous  skill  of  smoothed 
osiers  \wattled  work]  after  the  manner  of  that  country. 
In  this  he  himself,  with  the  kings  and  princes  of 
Ireland,  held  the  usual  festivities  on  the  anniversary 
of  the  Nativity  of  our  Lord. 

(The  Irish  hierarchy  at  this  time  numbered  four  archbishops 
and  twenty-eight  or  twenty-nine  bishops  [see  Table  at  end].  The 
archbishops  present  at  the  synod  were  those  of  Cashel,  Dublin, 
and  Tuam  ;  but  Gelasius,  the  venerable  primate  of  Armagh,  then 
over  eighty  years  of  age,  was  too  infirm  to  join  the  assembly. 
He  came  on  afterwards,  however,  to  Dublin  to  signify  his  assent 
to  the  constitutions,  attended  as  usual  by  his  white  cow,  the 
milk  of  which  formed  his  only  nourishment.!  The  synod  had 
practically  acknowledged  the  English  king  as  over-lord  of 
Ireland.) 

A.D.  1171  or  1172.— [First  DubHn]  Charter  of 
Henry  II. 

Archives  of  the  City  of  Dublin. 

Henry,  king  of  England,  duke  of  Normandy  and 
Aquitaine,  and  count  of  Anjou,  to  his  archbishops, 
*  "St.  Martin  in  the  winter:"  Nov.  nth. 
t  He  was  canonized  after  death ;  his  day  being  March  27th. 


1171^/- II72    CHARTERS  GRANTED  TO  DUBLm.    59 

bishops,  abbots,  earls,  barons,  justices,  sheriffs,  officers, 
and  all  liegemen,  French,  English,  and  Irish,  of  all 
his  land,  greeting : 

Know  ye  that  I  have  given  and  granted  and  by  the 
present  charter  confirmed  to  my  men  of  Bristol  my 
city  of  Dublin  to  dwell  in. 

Wherefore  I  will,  and  steadfastly  enjoin,  that  they 
have  and  hold  it  of  me  and  of  my  heirs,  well  and  in 
peace,  freely  and  undisturbed,  entirely  and  fully  and 
honourably,  with  all  liberties  and  free  customs  which 
the  men  of  Bristol  have  in  Bristol  and  throughout  all 
my  land. 

Witnesses :  William  de  Braos ;  Reginald  de  Cur- 
tenai  3  Hugh  de  Gundeville  ;  William  Fitz-Aldelm ; 
Ralph  de  Glanville ;  Hugh  de  Creissi ;  Reginald  de 
PavillL     At  Dublin. 


A.D.  1171  or  1172.— [Second  Dublin]  Charter  of 
Henry  II. 

Archives  of  the  City  of  Dublin, 

Henry,  king  of  England,  duke  of  Normandy  and 
Aquitaine,  and  count  of  Anjou,  to  his  archbishops, 
bishops,  abbots,  earls,  barons,  justices,  sheriffs,  and 
all  men  of  his  land  greeting : 

Know  ye  that  I  have  granted  to  my  burgesses  of 
Dublin  that  they  be  exempt  from  import  duties,  ferry- 
tolls,  bridge-tolls,  lading-dues,  paving-rates,  mural- 
rates,*    export   duties,   cart-service,  and  all   customs 

*  For  the  maintenance  of  the  fortifications  of  the  city. 


60  A    TEMPESTUOUS   WINTER.      1171^^1172 

throughout  my  realm  of  England,  Normandy,  Wales, 
and  Ireland,  wherever  they  or  their  goods  may  go. 

Wherefore  I  will  and  steadfastly  enjoin  that  they 
have  all  their  liberties,  quittances,  and  free  customs 
fully  and  honourably,  as  being  my  free  and  faithful 
men,  and  that  they  be  exempt  from  import  duties, 
ferry-tolls,  bridge-tolls,  lading-dues,  paving-rates,  mural- 
rates,  export  duties,  cart-service,  and  every  other 
custom.  And  I  forbid  that  any  man  molest  them  in 
this  matter  contrary  to  my  charter  on  pain  of  a  fine  of 
ten  pounds. 

Witnesses  :  Richard  de  Humet,  constable ;  Reginald 
de  Curtenay ;  Richard  de  Camville ;  William  de 
Lanvaley.     At  St.  Lo. 

A.D.  1171  or  1172.— Of  the  storms. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expiig.  Hibern.  Lib.  I.  cap.  xxxvi. 

Then  were  the  barriers  of  the  storm- winds  burst 
and  the  bowels  of  the  sea  uptorn  ;  and  with  such  force 
and  for  so  long  did  the -.tempest's  rage  endure,  that 
the  whole  drear  winter  through  scarce  a  single  bark 
found  its  way  across  to  Ireland,  nor  could  aught  of 
news  be  heard  from  any  source.  Wherefore  all  men 
thought  that  the  wrath  of  God  was  upon  them  for 
their  sins. 

It  was  about  that  time  that  from  the  unusual 
violence  of  the  weather  the  sand  on  the  shores  of 
South  Wales  was  washed  away  and  the  under  soil  laid 
bare,  and  the  face  of  the  coast  was  revealed  as  it  had 
been  in  the  far  distant  past.     Trunks  of  trees  appeared 


1 1 72  HENRY  II.   LEAVES  IRELAND,  6 1 

below  high-water  mark,  still  standing,  but  with  their 
branches  broken  off  or  lopped,  and  showing  traces  of 
the  axe  as  if  of  yesterday.  The  soil  too  was  quite 
black,  and  the  wood  of  the  dead  tree-boles  was  of  the 
hue  of  ebony.  Wondrous  the  changes  wrought  by 
time :  that  where  in  former  days  tall  ships  could  ride, 
now  no  ship  can  go ;  where  was  a  level  strand,  we 
see  a  sylvan  grove  !  Perchance  during  the  flood  of 
Noah,  but  likeher  long  since  that,  though  yet  in  ages 
long  ago,  this  forest  was  broken  down  by  the  fury  of 
the  sea,  and  by  degrees  destroyed  or  absorbed  as  the 
waters  rose  from  time  to  time  and  encroached  upon 
the  land.* 

Meanwhile  the  king  lingered  at  Wexford,  anxious 
to  hear  tidings  of  his  dominions  over  sea.t 


(At  length  the  wind  changed  to  the  east,  and  the  king  got  his 
news  from  England.  The  two  papal  legates  who  had  been  sent 
to  compound  for  the  murder  of  Becket  had  reached  Normandy, 
and  as  this  was  a  pressing  matter  he  had  to  leave  Ireland  at 
once  \^Easter  Alojiday,  April  1 7^/2,  1 1 72]  without  waiting  to  build 

*  One  may  see  these  ancient  stumps  of  trees  to-day  in 
Swansea  Bay,  and  in  other  parts  of  Wales.  Gerald's  description 
is  absolutely  accurate.  The  black  soil  is  also  still  there,  and 
probably  represents  what  is  left  of  the  foliage,  branches,  smaller 
trees  and  undergrowth. 

t  It  is  possible,  however,  that  Henry  was  not  sorry,  for  the 
excuse  afforded  by  the  turbulent  weather  to  remain  for  a  time 
where  he  was.  He  could  hardly  wish  to  meet  the  papal  legates 
who  were  on  their  way  to  investigate  the  murder  of  Becket, 
before  the  advent  of  the  additional  friendly  legates  who  had 
been  sent  on  afterwards  to  absolve  him. 


62  GRANTS  OF  LAND  IN  IRELAND.  1172 

along  the  border  of  the  English  Pale  the  chain  of  castles  he  had 
planned  in  accordance  with  the  usual  policy  of  the  Normans 
and  Angevins  in  a  conquered  country.  Before  sailing  he  made 
grants  of  land  within  the  Pale  in  fee  to  his  English  vassals,  in 
such  a  way  that  side  by  side  with  the  original  adventurers  there 
should  be  settled  men  on  whom  he  could  personally  rely. 
Strongbow  was  appointed  marshal  of  Ireland  and  earl  of 
Leinster ;  Hugh  de  Laci  justiciar  and  constable  of  the  realm, 
with  the  earldom  of  Meath  and  with  Dublm  as  his  capital. 
This  munificent  grant  to  de  Laci  was  intended  by  the  king  as  a 
set-off  against  the  influence  of  Strongbow.  In  the  following 
year  Reimund  Fitz-Gerald  was  nominated  by  Henry  at  Strong- 
bow's  request  as  coadjutor  to  the  latter.) 


A.D.  1172.— [Grant  of  Meath  to  Hugh  de  Laci.] 

Translated  from  the  text  quoted  in  Spencer's  View 
of  the  State  of  Ireland. 

Henry  by  the  grace  of  God  king  of  England,  duke 
of  Normandy  and  Aquitaine,  and  count  of  Anjou  to 
his  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots,  earls,  barons,  justices, 
and  all  officers  and  liegemen  French,  English,  and 
Irish  of  all  his  land  greeting.  Know  ye  that  I  have 
given  and  granted  and  by  my  present  charter  con- 
firmed to  Hugh  de  Laci  for  his  service  the  land  of 
Meath  with  all  its  purtenances  for  the  service  of  fifty 
knights,  to  him  and  his  heirs  to  have  and  to  hold  of 
me  and  my  heirs,  as  Murchard  Hu-Melathlin  *  held 
it,  or  any  other  before  or  after  him.  And  as  an 
addition  to  that  grant  all  the  fees  which  he  hath 
granted  or  shall  grant  around  Dublin,  so  long  as  he 
is  my  bailiff,  for  doing  service  to  me  at  my  city  of 
♦  The  then  king  of  Meath,  who  was  thus  dispossessed. 


1 1 72  THE   POPE  SUPPORTS  HENRY.  63 

Dublin.  Wherefore  I  will  and  steadfastly  enjoin  that 
Hugh  himself  and  his  heirs  after  him  have  the  afore- 
said land,  and  hold  all  liberties  and  free  customs  which 
I  have  or  can  have  there  on  the  service  aforesaid  of 
me  and  of  my  heirs,  well  and  in  peace,  freely,  undis- 
turbed, and  honourably,  in  wood  and  plain,  in 
meadow  and  pasture,  in  waters  and  mills,  in  fishponds 
and  pools,  and  fisheries,  and  hunting-grounds,  in  ways 
and  byways,  and  seaports,  and  in  all  other  places  and 
things  pertaining  thereto,  with  all  liberties  which  I 
have  there  or  am  able  to  give  and  by  this  my  charter 
confirm  to  him.  Witnesses :  earl  Richard  Fitz- 
Gilbert ;  William  de  Braose ;  etc.     At  Wexford. 


Sept.  30th,  A.D.  1172. — [Letter  from  pope  Alexan- 
der III.  to  the  Irish,  bishops.] 

N'o.  38  hi  the  Calendar  of  Documents  relating  to  Ireland^  1 172. 

"  Pope  Alexander  [iii]  to  Christian,  bishop  of  Lis- 
more,  legate  of  the  apostolic  see,  Gelasius,  arch- 
bishop of  Armagh,  Donatus,  archbishop  of  Cashel, 
Laurence,  archbishop  of  Dublin,  Catholicus,  arch- 
bishop of  Tuam,  and  their  suffragans.  Having 
gathered  from  their  letters  that  the  king  of  England 
instigated  by  divine  inspiration  had  subjected  to  his 
dominion  the  Irish  people,  and  that  illicit  practices 
began  to  cease,  the  pope  returns  thanks  to  Him  who 
had  conferred  so  great  a  victory.  Exhorts  them  to 
aid  the  king  in  governing  Ireland  and  to  smite  with 
ecclesiastical  censure  any  of  its  kings,  princes,  or 
people  who  shall  dare  to  violate  the  oath  and  fealty 


64  TREACHERY  OF  CRUARC.  1172 

they  have  sworn.     Frascati :   ij  KaL   Octob'.  \Black 
Book  Exchequer,  Q.R.  fo.  8.  b.]." 


A.D.  1172. — Of  the  treachery  and  death  of  O'Ruarc, 
[king  of  Meath]. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  i.  cap.  xli. 

Meanwhile,  under  the  governors  appointed  by  the 
king,  Ireland  had  breathing-time  and  peace,  when  it 
happened  in  the  Dublin  district  that  a  conference  was 
arranged  between  Hugh  de  Laci  and  O'Ruarc  the 
One-eyed,  king  of  Meath,  an  exact  time  and  place 
being  fixed.  But  during  the  night  preceding  the  day 
selected  for  the  meeting,  one  Griffith,  a  man-at-arms, 
and  nephew  of  Maurice  [Fitz-Gerald]  and  Fitz- 
Stephen,  had  a  dream  in  which  he  saw  a  herd  of  wild 
boars  rushing  in  a  body  upon  Hugh  and  Maurice  ; 
and  the  largest  and  fiercest,  the  leader  of  the  drove, 
was  on  the  point  of  transfixing  them  with  its  tusks, 
when  the  sleeper  brought  his  stout  arm  to  their 
assistance  and  slew  the  beast. 

On  the  morrow  they  set  out  for  the  appointed  spot, 
which  is  called  the  Hill  of  O'Ruarc*  Arrived  there, 
the  parties  first  halted  at  a  distance  from  each  other 
and  mutually  sent  messengers  ;  then  on  receiving 
pledges  and  making  oath  on  either  side,  they  joined 
for  the  parley.     By  previous  agreement  those  that  met 

♦  This  was  probably  only  a  temporary  name  arising  out  of 
the  incident  narrated  in  this  chapter.  It  was  generally  known 
as  the  Hill  of  Tlachtgha,  now  the  Hill  of  Ward,  near  Athboy 
in  Meath.  The  Four  Masters  say  that  the  treachery  was  on  the 
part  of  the  English. 


1 1 72  TREACHERY  OF  O'RUARC.  65 

were  very  few  and  equal  in  number,  and  unarmed, 
except  that  the  English  bore  their  swords,  the  Irish 
their  axes.  The  rest  of  their  respective  followers 
stayed  some  little  distance  apart  from  them.  But 
Griffith,  who  had  attended  in  the  train  of  Maurice, 
being  very  anxious  about  his  vision  of  the  night 
before,  had  in  consequence  of  it  picked  out  from 
among  his  own  kinsmen  seven  men-at-arms  in  whose 
valour  he  had  especial  confidence,  and  drawn  them  to 
one  side  of  the  hill,  but  as  near  to  the  talkers  as  was 
allowed.  They  then  adjusted  their  shields,  set  lance 
in  rest,  and  giving  rein  to  their  chargers,  made  a  show 
of  tilting  after  the  French  fashion,  to  the  intent  that 
however  the  colloquy  should  end  this  pretence  of 
sport  might  enable  them  to  be  ready  for  any  emergency. 
Meanwhile  there  had  been  some  hot  altercation  between 
O'Ruarc  and  Hugh  de  Laci  touching  the  questions  in 
dispute,  and  matters  were  tending  rather  to  an  aggrava- 
tion of  the  discord  between  them  than  to  a  settlement, 
when  the  one-eyed  villain,  meditating  in  his  heart  a 
fell  act  of  treachery,  made  an  excuse  for  going  aside 
for  a  moment  and  gave  a  sign  to  his  men  to  come  up 
at  once  with  all  speed.  This  done,  he  turned  and 
strode  hurriedly  back,  with  raised  axe,  and  face  white 
with  passion.  But  Maurice  Fitz-Gerald  had  chanced 
to  hear  of  the  dream  from  his  nephew,  and  being 
thereby  put  on  his  guard,  had  carefully  watched  all 
O'Ruarc's  movements,  and  had  sat  during  the  whole 
consultation  with  his  sheathed  sword  lying  ready 
across  his  knees  and  his  hand  on  the  hilt.  He  now 
whipped  it  out,  and  with  a  hasty  word  of  warning  to 

£ 


66  DEATH  OF  aRUARC.  1172 

Hugh,  boldly  started  up  to  defend  him.  The  traitor 
then  aimed  a  desperate  blow  at  de  Laci,  but  it  fell  on 
the  interpreter  :  he,  faithful  servant,  had  interposed 
himself  between  his  master  and  the  stroke,  which 
lopped  off  his  arm  and  inflicted  a  fatal  wound. 
Maurice  now  shouted  to  his  comrades  for  aid,  and  in 
the  mean  time,  while  sword  encountered  battle-axe,  in 
the  hurry  of  the  retreat  Hugh  twice  stumbled  to  the 
ground,  and  effected  his  escape  with  difficulty  and 
then  only  with  Fitz-Gerald's  aid. 

While  this  was  going  on,  the  Irish,  who,  in  obedi- 
ence to  the  caitiffs  signal,  had  appeared  in  large 
numbers  from  the  neighbouring  hollows,  were  quickly 
running  in  from  all  directions  with  their  pairs  of 
javelins  and  their  great  axes,  and  would  soon  have 
made  an  end  of  Maurice  and  Hugh  had  not  Griffith 
and  his  companions,  attracted  by  the  cries  of  the 
former,  ridden  up  at  a  gallop.  On  seeing  this  O'Ruarc 
thought  it  well  to  look  to  himself  and  seek  safety  in 
flight ;  but  while  he  was  in  the  very  act  of  mounting 
a  horse  which  had  been  led  to  him,  Grififith  got  up 
just  in  time  to  run  his  lance  through  man  and  steed 
together.  With  him  were  killed  on  the  same  spot 
three  of  his  attendants  who  had  risked  their  lives  in 
bringing  him  the  horse.  His  head  was  cut  off  and 
afterwards  sent  over  to  the  king  of  the  English,  even 
into  England.  The  remainder  of  the  natives  fled  in 
confusion  and  scattered  over  the  plain,  but  a  vast 
slaughter  was  made  of  them  and  continued  even  till 
they  reached  the  far  distant  woods.  Ralph,  son  of 
Fitz-Stephen,  a  stout  and  daring  youth,  earned  espe- 
cial credit  that  day  for  vigour  and  courage. 


1 1 72  DESCRIPTION  OF  MAURICE.  6/ 

A.D.    1172.— [The    death    of    O'Ruarc :     An    Irish 
account]. 

Annals  of  Ulster ;  1172  :   Translated  from  the  Irish 
by  an  unknown  hand ;  in  MS. 

"  Tiernan  O'Ruarc,  king  of  Breifny  and  [East 
Meath],  a  man  of  great  power  for  a  long  time,  was 
killed  by  the  English  and  by  Donnell  ...  of  his  own 
kindred,  and  being  by  them  beheaded  they  carried 
his  head  and  body  miserably  to  Dublin.  His  head 
was  hanged  up  upon  the  gate  of  the  city.  The  body 
was  buried  in  another  place  with  his  \sic\  feet  upward." 

A  description  of  Maurice  [Fitz-Gerald], 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  I.  cap.  xliii. 

Maurice  was  a  man  of  unassuming  but  dignified 
bearing;  his  features  regular,  his  complexion  em- 
browned by  exposure;  of  medium  height,  neither 
above  nor  below  the  a«verage.  As  with  his  stature, 
so  it  was  with  his  temperament ;  moderation  was  the 
characteristic  of  each :  the  former  showed  no  dis- 
proportion, the  latter  no  extravagance.  Nature  had 
made  him  a  worthy  man,  and  he  cared  more  to  be  so 
than  to  seem  so.  His  efforts  were  always  directed  to 
observing  the  happy  mean  in  everything,  and  with 
such  success  that  for  uprightness  and  for  refined 
courtesy  he  may  be  considered  the  best  example  as 
he  was  the  pattern  of  his  country  and  his  times.  A 
man  of  few  words,  but  what  he  had  to  say  was  terse 
and  well  put :  for  he  set  rnore  store  by  heart  than 


6S  DESCRIPTION  OF  HENRY  IL  1172 

tongue,  placed  reason  above  eloquence,  regarded 
wisdom  rather  than  words.  Yet  when  there  was  need 
of  oratory,  though  deliberate  in  delivering  his  opinion, 
he  could  express  himself  with  polished  skill.  In  war 
he  was  full  of  courage,  and  second  to  hardly  any  one 
in  vigour  of  action ;  at  the  same  time  not  impetuous 
or  apt  to  run  headlong  into  danger.  Wary,  however, 
as  he  was  in  attack,  he  was  equally  resolute  in  defence. 
In  him  temperance,  discretion,  and  chastity  were  com- 
bined with  stability  of  character,  firmness,  and  good 
faith.  A  man  not  indeed  faultless,  still  free  from  any 
actual  vice  or  sin. 


A  description  of  Henry  H.,  king  of  the  English. 
Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  I.  cap.  xlvi. 

I  have  thought  it  not  improper  to  pourtray  for  the 
benefit  of  posterity  the  appearance  and  the  character 
of  the  king,  his  peculiarities  of  person  and  of  mind  :  so 
that  those  who  in  future  ages  may  love  to  hear  of  the 
great  deeds  he  wrought,  may  also  picture  him  to 
themselves  as  he  looked  and  was. 


It  would  be  pleasant  indeed,  though  I  fear  beyon 
my  powers,  to  be  able  to  tell  the  whole  truth  abou 
a  prince  without  offending  him. 

Well,  Henry  II.,  king  of  the  English,  was  a  man 
with  reddish  hair,  a  big  bullet-head,  blood-shot  gray 
eyes  that  in  anger  flashed  fiercely,  a  fiery  face,  and 
a  broken  voice.     He  had  a  bull  neck,  a  square  chest, 


Seal  of  Henry  II.,  krom  Original  in  British  Museum. 


i 


1 172  HIS  ENERGY.  6g 

muscular  arms,  and  a  fleshy  body,  which  last  was  due 
rather  to  natural  tendency  than  to  the  over-gratifica- 
tion of  his  appetite  at  table ;  his  figure  was  portly,  but 
not  absolutely  of  huge  and  unwieldy  bulk,  thanks  to 
a  certain  limit  which  he  observed  even  in  his  excesses. 
For  he  was  abstemious  in  food  and  temperate  in 
drink,  and,  so  far  as  a  prince  could  be,  in  everything 
inclined  to  be  frugal.  Nay,  in  order  to  do  all  he 
could  to  check  and  minimize  this  injustice  of  nature 
and  by  force  of  will  counteract  his  constitutional 
inclination  to  corpulence,  just  as  though  he  had  con- 
spired against  himself  to  wage  an  intestine  war  with 
his  belly,  it  was  his  custom  to  harass  his  body  by 
excessive  exercise.  So  not  only  when  war  was  going 
on — and  that  was  very  often — would  he  scarcely  allow 
himself  for  rest  the  few  hours  that  were  not  devoted 
to  business,  but  even  in  time  of  peace  there  was  no 
repose  for  him.  For  he  was  attached  beyond  measure 
to  the  pleasures  of  the  chase,  and  he  would  start  off 
the  first  thing  in  the  morning  on  a  fleet  horse,  and 
now  traversing  the  woodland  glades,  now  plunging 
into  the  forest  itself,  now  crossing  the  ridges  of  the 
hills,  used  in  this  way  to  pass  day  after  day  in  tireless 
toil ;  and  when  in  the  evening  he  reached  home,  he 
was  rarely  seen  to  sit  down  whether  before  or  after 
supper.  In  spite  of  all  the  fatigue  he  had  undergone, 
he  would  keep  the  whole  court  standing  till  they  were 
worn  out.  But,  as  the  adage  says,  '  To  observe  the 
happy  mean  in  everything  is  the  first  rule  in  life,'  * 
and  since  even  a  remedy  if  carried  to  excess  ceases 
*  Ter.  And.  I.  i.  34. 


JO  HIS  LOVE   OF  PEACE.  1172 

to  be  beneficial,  these  habits,  by  inducing  frequent 
swellings  of  the  feet  and  lower  leg,  which  were 
aggravated  by  the  restive  motions  of  the  high-spirited 
horses  he  rode,  brought  on  further  disorders  ;  and,  if 
they  did  no  other  harm,  they  certainly  hastened  the 
approach  of  old  age,  the  origin  and  promoter  of  all 
the  ills  of  corporeal  humanity. 

As  for  his  stature,  he  was  of  medium  height ;  and 
in  this  he  differed  from  all  his  sons,  for  the  two  elder 
were  somewhat  taller,  the  two  younger  shorter,  than 
most  men. 

In  his  unruffled  moods,  and  when  not  excited  by 
anger,  he  was  remarkably  eloquent,  and,  as  came  out 
at  such  times,  well  learned.  An  affable  man,  too,  who 
could  be  influenced,  though  of  a  ready  wit  r  indeed, 
he  was  second  to  no  one  in  courtesy,  whatever  the 
real  sentiments  his  outward  bearing  might  conceal. 

He  was  a  prince  of  such  admirable  religious  sense 
that  whenever  he  conquered  in  battle,  it  was  only  to 
be  overcome  in  turn  by  his  gratitude  to  Heaven. 
Though  strenuous  in  war,  he  prudently  tried  to  avoid 
it  when  at  peace ;  for  during  hostilities  he  always  had 
a  wholesome  apprehension  of  the  uncertainty  of  the 
issue,  and  from  his  extreme  caution  he  would,  in  the 
words  of  the  comic  poet,  '  try  all  means  rather  than 
resort  to  arms.'  *  Those  whom  he  lost  in  fight,  he 
mourned  as  princes  rarely  do,  and  showed  greater 
tenderness  of  feeling  for  the  fallen  than  for  the  sur- 
vivors :  he  was  far  less  demonstrative  in  his  care  for 
the  living  than  in  his  grief  for  the  dead.  No  one  was 
*  Ter.  Eun.  iv.  7.  19. 


1 1 72  HIS  PRUDENCE.  7 1 

kinder  in  the  hour  of  trouble :  when  all  was  well 
again,  no  one  more  severe. 

Harsh  the  king  is  to  the  lawless ;  clement  he  to  lowly  hearts  : 
Strict  within  his  halls  ;  yet  harb'ring  strangers  from  outlandish 

parts  : 
Bounteous  in  the  outer  world  ;  at  home  instilling  thrifty  arts. 

The  man  for  whom  he  had  once  conceived  a  hate,  he 
could  with  difficulty  be  brought  to  love ;  where  once 
he  had  set  his  affections,  rarely  did  his  regard  change 
to  dislike. 

He  rejoiced  in  the  sport  of  falconry ;  it  gladdened 
him  to  watch  the  flight  of  the  fierce  hawk.  He  loved, 
too,  beyond  measure  to  hear  the  baying  of  the  pack 
as  they  sped  on  the  scent  of  the  hunted  deer.  I 
could  wish  that  he  had  cultivated  as  diligently  the 
offices  of  religion  as  he  did  the  pleasures  of  the  field. 
His  belief  that  the  grievous  injuries  offered  him  by 
his  sons  had  sprung  from  the  instigation  of  the  queen, 
led  him  after  their  revolt  to  live  in  open  violation 
of  his  marriage  vow.  Still  he  was  by  nature  not  a 
truthful  man,  and  would  habitually  break  his  word 
without  the  slightest  excuse.  For  whenever  he  found 
himself  in  a  difficulty  he  preferred  that  his  honour 
should  suffer  rather  than  his  interest,  and  thought  it 
better  to  lose  his  reputation  for  honesty  than  to  miss 
an  advantage.  In  the  transaction  of  business  he  was 
always  so  cautious  and  so  circumspect,  that  for  this 
very  reason,  carrying  his  prudence  to  an  extreme,  he 
was  dilatory  in  the  administration  of  justice;  and  to 
the  great  inconvenience  of  his  subjects  exceedingly 
slow  in  coming  to  a  final   decision   in   any  matter. 


72     ENCROACHMENTS  UPON  THE  CHURCH,     1172 

Moreover,  whereas  Justice,  which  is  divine,  which 
therefore  should  be  gratuitously  rendered  without 
price,  which  is  not  a  commodity  to  be  purchased  by 
lucre,  with  us  is  bought  and  sold,  which  itself  freely 
accords  all  things,  with  us  is  held  in  traffic,  he  \the 
king]  has  left  behind  alike  in  the  state  and  in  the 
priesthood  notorious  successors  of  the  iniquitous 
Gehazi.*  He  was  a  lover  of  peace,  and  diligent  in 
maintaining  it  Of  unequalled  munificence  in  alms- 
giving, he  was  an  especial  benefactor  to  the  Holy 
Land.  A  lover  of  humility,  he  kept  a  tight  hand 
upon  the  nobles  of  his  realm  and  ground  under  his 
heel  any  show  of  arrogance.  Filling  the  hungry  with 
good  things,  the  rich  he  sent  empty  away.f 

He  raised  the  humble  from  their  lowly  state, 
And  from  their  seats  above  debased  the  great. 

In  the  things  that  are  of  God  he  was  guilty  of  many 
reprehensible  usurpations;  and  through  a  zeal  for 
justice — a  zeal,  however,  not  tempered  by  discretion 
— he  confused  the  rights  of  the  crown  with  those  of 
the  priesthood, t  to  the  end  that  he  might  stand  forth 
as  the  sole  fount  of  justice.  Son  of  the  church  as 
he  was,  and  owing  his  crown  to  her,  yet  he  either 
forgot  or  affected  to  forget  the  sacramental  unction 
he  had  received.  Scarcely  would  he  spare  an  hour 
to  attend  the  holy  sacrifice  of  the  mass,  and  even 
then  so  great,  forsooth,  was  the  press  of  public  busi- 

♦  Implying  that  the  king  was  guilty  of  simoniacal  practices, 
t  Luke  i.  53. 

X  That  is,  he  encroached  upon  the  legal  privileges  of  the 
clergy.   The  allusion  is  to  the  Constitutions  of  Clarendon  (i  164). 


1 1 72  HIS  DOMESTIC  TROUBLES.  73 

ness  that  he  spent  the  time  more  in  discussion  and 
conversation  than  in  prayer.  The  income  of  vacant 
benefices  it  was  his  habit  to  pay  into  the  public 
treasury ;  and,  since  a  little  leaven  corrupts  the  mass, 
inasmuch  as  he  thus  appropriated  to  the  exchequer 
the  revenues  which  were  due  to  Christ,  being  ever 
plunged  in  fresh  difficulties,  he  exhausted  his  coffers 
again  and  again.*  Thus  into  the  pockets  of  a  profane 
soldiery  went  that  which  was  by  right  the  stipend  of 
the  clerk. 

Of  his  consummate  forethought  many  a  scheme 
did  he  conceive,  and  for  the  prudent  execution  thereof 
he  carefully  arranged.  Still  it  was  not  every  one 
that  turned  out  well ;  he  was  often  disappointed  of 
success.  At  the  same  time  there  was  no  instance  of 
a  great  failure  which  did  not  originate  in  some  trifling 
accident. 

On  his  legitimate  offspring  he  bestowed,  during 
their  childhood,  even  more  than  the  natural  affection 
of  a  father,  but  as  they  advanced  in  years  he  regarded 
them  with  more  than  the  jealousy  of  a  step-father. 
And  for  all  he  had  such  renowned  and  illustrious  sons, 
yet  this  very  fact  proved  a  great  bar  to  his  complete 
happiness,  in  that  he  always  showed  aversion  towards 
his  possible  successors,  though  perhaps  not  without 
reason  after  their  conduct  to  him.  And  since  human 
prosperity,  just  as  it  is  transient,  so  can  never  be 
complete  ;  in  like  manner  by  the  refined  malice,  as  it 
were,  of  Fortune  it  happened  that  where  the  king 

*  The  passage  means  that  he  derived  no  permanent  benefit 
from  such  ill-gotten  gains. 


74  ^^S   WONDERFUL  MEMORY,  1172 

looked  for  happiness  there  he  found  hostility ;  where 
defence,  defiance ;  where  help,  hate ;  where  rest  and 
repose,  there  especially  disquiet  and  disturbance.  It 
may  have  been  the  ill-assorted  union  of  the  parents 
that  was  to  blame,  it  may  have  been  in  punishment 
for  the  royal  sins  :  but,  however  that  may  be,  the  fact 
remains  that  there  was  no  real  concord  between  the 
princes  and  their  father,  nor  harmony  among  the 
princes  themselves. 

At  length  the  pretenders  to  power  and  the  disturbers 
of  peace  were  put  down  both  in  England  and  in 
France,  whether  it  had  been  brother  against  brother, 
son  against  sire,  or  vassal  against  suzerain,  and  for  a 
long  season  the  king  enjoyed  all  the  prosperity  he 
could  wish.  Would  that  even  then,  at  the  eleventh 
hour,  he  had  testified  by  righteous  works  his  appre- 
ciation of  so  convincing  a  proof  of  the  divine  mercy. 

Surrounded  though  he  was  at  all  times  by  crowds 
of  faces,  features  that  he  had  scanned  but  once  he 
never  forgot  Whatever  on  any  occasion  he  had 
heard  and  thought  worth  noting,  never  escaped  his 
memory.  Whence  he  always  had  available  a  ready 
recollection  of  nearly  the  whole  course  of  history  as 
well  as  of  most  of  the  facts  that  his  own  wide  ex- 
perience had  taught  him.  And  to  conclude  in  a  few 
words,  had  he  been  one  of  God's  elect  and  inclined 
himself  to  yield  obedience  to  His  commands,  his 
natural  endowments  were  such  that  he  would  have 
been  unequalled  among  the  princes  of  the  world. 

But  enough  of  this  topic,  which,  although  by  no 
means  foreign  to  my  subject,  I  have  here  but  briefly 


1 1 73-4     STRONGBO  WS  RAID  INTO  MUNSTER.      J  5 

and  hurriedly  touched  upon.  The  above  short  sketch 
may  suggest  to  some  abler  writer  than  myself  a 
historical  theme  well  worthy  of  his  pen  ;  and  now  let 
me  return  to  my  relation  of  events  in  Ireland. 

(In  1 173  we  find  hostilities  again  general  in  Ireland.  There 
were  marauding  expeditions  on  the  part  of  the  settlers,  and 
counter  forays  by  the  natives ;  besides  a  sea-fight  in  Lismore 
Haven.) 

A.D.  1174. — [Disastrous  incursion  into  Munster  by 
tlie  earl]. 

Amials  of  Innisf alien:    1174;    O' Donoz'aii s 
Translation  from  the  Irish. 

"  A  great  army  was  led  by  the  earl  of  Strigul  to 
plunder  Munster ;  and  he  sent  messengers  to  Dublin 
desiring  all  the  Galls  \_Ostmen\  left  there  to  join  him  , 
and  a  battalion  of  knights,  officers,  and  soldiers,  well 
armed  came  to  him,  and  they  all  marched  to  Durlus- 
O'Fogarty  [Thurles,  in  N.E.  Desmond^  But  Donnell 
More  O'Brien  there  defeated  the  earl  and  the  knights, 
and  slew  four  of  the  knights  and  700  of  their  men.* 
When  that  news  came  to  the  hearing  of  the  people  of 
Waterford,  they  killed  the  200  who  were  guarding  the 
town.f  Then  the  earl  went  on  an  island  near  the  town 
(the  Little  Island)  and  remained  there  for  a  month." 

(A  general  rising  prompted  by  this  success  prevented  him  from 
moving,  and  in  the  meanwhile  Roderic  of  Connaught  crossed 

*  Gerald  says  the  earl  was  surprised  early  one  morning,  and 
that  the  loss  fell  mainly  on  the  Ostmen.  He  states  that  loss 
at  400. 

t  This  was  done  "ab  iniquis  Ostmannis,"  says  Gerald,  so 
that  altogether  the  Ostmen  were  not  very  reliable  allies  as  yet. 


'J 6  THE  POPE   GRANTS  A   BULL.      11740^1175 

the  Shannon,  burnt  the  deserted  strongholds  and  laid  waste  the 
country  up  to  the  walls  of  Dublin.  The  earl  was,  however, 
then  relieved  by  Reimund,  who  had  been  away  in  Wales  but 
returned  with  a  force  on  hearing  of  the  peril  of  his  countrymen. 
The  news  of  the  coming  of  Reimund  with  his  reinforcements  was, 
says  Gerald,  sufficient  to  frighten  Roderic  back  again  into  Con- 
naught,  for  he  had  had  a  foretaste  of  his  valour  and  ability  as  a 
leader  at  Dublin  in  1 171,  where  Reimund  had  been  one  of  the 
leaders  of  the  sortie  which  raised  the  siege.  The  rising  in 
Waterford  was  presently  put  down.) 

1174  or  1175. — The  granting  of  a  bull  of  privileges. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Ex  pug,  Hibern.  Lib.  11.  cap.  v. 

Meanwhile  the  king  of  the  English,  although  his 
time  and  attention  were  very  much  occupied  with 
military  affairs,  was  not  forgetful  of  his  realm  of 
Ireland,  and  sent  ambassadors  to  the  court  of  Rome 
bearing  the  evidence  which  had  been  carefully  col- 
lected and  taken  down  at  the  synod  of  Cashel  touch- 
ing the  evil  lives  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  island. 
Alexander  III.,  who  was  then  pontiff,  granted  a  bull 
of  privileges  which  conferred  upon  the  English  king, 
with  the  papal  authority  and  assent,  the  dominion 
over  the  Irish  people;  and  since  they  were  grossly 
ignorant  of  the  rudiments  of  the  faith,  further  em- 
powered him  to  mould  them  by  ecclesiastical  rules 
and  discipline  to  a  conformity  with  the  usage  of  the 
Anglican  Church.  ...  A  meeting  of  the  bishops 
was  forthwith  called  at  Waterford,  at  which  the  bull 
was  formally  read  in  public,  and  met  with  general 
approval.  With  it  was  read  another  bull  which  the 
same  king  had  previously  procured  by  means  of  John 


1174^^1175      1^^^  BULL   '  LAUD AB /liter:  77 

of  Salisbury,  afterwards  bishop  of  Chartres,  from  pope 
Adrian,*  the  predecessor  of  Alexander.  John  had 
been  sent  to  Rome  on  that  business,  and  by  his  hands 
Adrian  had  presented  the  king  of  the  English  with  a 
golden  ring  in  token  of  the  investiture.  This  ring 
together  with  the  bull  of  Adrian  had  been  deposited 
among  the  archives  at  Winchester.  Wherefore  I  have 
thought  it  not  superfluous  to  insert  here  the  contents 
of  that  instrument. 

[^The  bull  Laudabiliter?[ 

"  Adrian  the  bishop,  servant  of  the  servants  of  God, 
to  his  well-beloved  son  in  Christ  the  illustrious  king 
of  the  English  sendeth  greeting  and  the  apostolic 
benediction.  With  praiseworthy  and  profitable  zeal 
your  highness  entertaineth  a  desire  of  increasing  the 
glory  of  your  name  on  earth,  and  of  laying  up  for 
yourself  the  meed  of  eternal  happiness  in  heaven.  For, 
as  becometh  a  Catholic  prince,  you  propose  to  extend 
the  boundaries  of  the  church,  to  make  known  the 
truth  of  the  Christian  faith  to  an  unlearned  and 
savage  race,  and  to  root  out  the  weeds  of  vice  from 
the  garden  of  the  Lord.  The  better  to  attain  that 
end  you  seek  the  advice  and  favour  of  the  apostolic 
see.     And  we  are  assured  that  the  higher  your  aim 

*  Adrian  IV.  [Nicholas  Breakspeare,  the  only  Englishman 
who  has  occupied  the  papal  chair]  was  pope  from  1 1 54  to  1 1 59, 
and  was  the  immediate  predecessor  of  Alexander  III.  There 
had  been  a  friendly  connection  between  Heniy  and  Adrian  even 
before  the  former  became  king  and  the  latter  pope.  This  is  the 
bull  known  as  '*  Laudabiliter,"  granted  in  1155. 


78  THE  BULL   '  LAUD  A  BJ LITER?      11740^1175 

and  the  greater  your  discretion  in  the  pursuit  of  the 
object  you  have  in  view,  the  more  complete,  with 
God's  help,  will  be  your  success  ;  since  an  enterprise 
which  hath  originated  in  enthusiasm  for  religion  and 
in  love  of  our  creed  will  of  a  surety  attain  to  a  happy 
issue  and  a  noble  result.  That  Ireland  and  all  islands 
whereon  Christ,  the  Sun  of  righteousness,  hath  shed 
his  ray,  and  which  have  received  the  evidence  of  the 
truth  of  Christianity,  are  in  the  dominion  of  the  blessed 
Peter  and  the  Holy  Roman  Church,  your  highness 
acknowledgeth  and  no  one  doubteth.*  Wherefore  we 
are  the  readier  to  implant  in  them  the  seeds  of  a  faith 
which  shall  be  acceptable  to  God,  and  yet  the  more 
so  inasmuch  as  we  know  that  the  day  of  scrutiny  will 
come  when  a  strict  reckoning  of  our  stewardship  will 
be   required   of    us.     Whereas,  then,    you   our   well- 

*  This  claim  was  founded  on  what  is  known  as  the  "  Donatio 
Constantini.''  Although  not  questioned  in  the  middle  ages,  this 
Donation  is  now  regarded  as  a  forgery.  According  to  it  the 
first  Christian  emperor  [Constantine  I.,  "The  Great"],  who 
reigned  from  A.D.  309  to  337,  in  gratitude  for  the  cure  of  his 
leprosy  through  the  prayers  of  pope  Sylvester  I.,  granted  to  him 
and  his  successors  Italy  and  the  whote  West,  and  transferred  the 
seat  of  the  civil  power  to  the  Bosphorus,  in  order  that  the 
ecclesiastical  polity  should  not  be  hampered  by  the  proximity  of 
secular  government.  This  was  one-  of  the  germs  from  which 
grew  the  temporal  claims  of  the  papacy.  The  forgery  probably 
dates  from  about  A.D.  775,  at  which  time  Adrian  I.  was  pope. 
The  claim  was  now  put  forward  as  applying  only  to  islands  to 
avoid  giving  offence  to  the  kings  of  Western  Christendom. 
England  was  not  regarded  as  an  island :  but  as  a  kind  of 
"  alter  orbis  "  with  reference  to  the  continent ;  much  as  we  look 
at  Australia. 


11^4  on  17 S      THE  BULL   '  LAUDABILITER:  yg 

beloved  son  in  Christ  have  signified  to  us  that  you  are 
wishful  of  entering  the  island  of  Ireland,  in  order  to 
subject  its  people  to  the  rule  of  law  and  to  root  out 
therefrom  the  weeds  of  vice ;  and  are  willing  to  pay 
from  each  house  an  annual  tribute  of  one  penny  to 
the  blessed  Peter,*  and  to  preserve  the  rights  of  the 
church  of  that  land  uncorrupted  and  intact :  We  there- 
fore support  with  due  favour  your  devout  and  laudable 
desire,  and  to  your  petition  accord  our  gracious  assent. 
It  is  our  will  and  pleasure  that  for  the  extending  of 
the  boundaries  of  the  church,  the  checking  of  the 
downward  course  of  crime,  the  correction  of  immorality, 
the  engrafting  of  virtue,  and  for  the  glorification  of 
the  religion  of  Christ,  you  do  enter  that  island  and 
execute  therein  all  things  that  regard  the  honour  of 
God  and  the  weal  of  the  aforesaid  land  ;  and  the 
people  of  that  land  shall  receive  you  with  fitting 
honour  and  do  homage  to  you  as  their  over-lord.  It 
being  provided  that  the  rights  of  the  church  remain 
uncorrupted  and  intact,  and  that  there  be  reserved  for 
the  blessed  Peter  and  the  Holy  Roman  Church  the 
annual  tribute  of  one  penny  from  every  house.  If 
therefore  you  decide  to  put  into  execution  the  project 
you  have  conceived,  be  it  your  study  to  instruct  the 
Irish  nation  in  the  ways  of  virtue ;  be  it,  too,  your 
care  that  this  be  carried  out  under  yourself  by  such 
persons  as  you  know  to  be  well  qualified  for  the  task 
by  reason  of   their   faith,   their   integrity,   and   their 

•  *'  Peter-pence."  But  payments  to  Rome  were  in  England 
generally  regarded  not  as  obligatory  taxes  or  tribute  but  as  alms 
(*'  eleemosyna  beati  Petri  "J. 


So  THE  MARCH  ON  LIMERICK.  1175 

godly  lives.  So  shall  the  church  among  that  people 
be  enriched  in  holiness,  so  shall  the  flower  of  Christian 
duty  be  there  sown  and  flourish,  and  all  that  pertaineth 
to  the  honour  of  the  Almighty  and  to  the  salvation  of 
their  souls  be  by  you  ordered  in  such  fashion  that 
you  shall  merit  at  God's  hands  the  inheritance  of  an 
eternal  reward  in  the  life  to  come,  and  on  earth  shall 
win  a  glorious  name  that  will  endure  for  ever." 


A.D.  1175. — The  famous  storming  of  Limerick. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  11.  cap.  vii. 

In  the  interim  Donnell,  prince  of  Limerick,  having 
begun  to  behave  in  a  most  insolent  manner,  and 
having  repudiated  with  no  less  perfidy  than  disrespect 
the  fealty  he  had  yielded  to  the  king  of  the  English, 
Reimund  collected  a  force  of  stout  fellows,  and  about 
the  I  St  of  October  boldly  marched  to  the  assault  of 
Limerick  with  120  men-at-arms,  300  mounted  retainers, 
and  400  archers  on  foot  When  they  reached  the 
Shannon,  which  flows  around  that  noble  city,  and 
found  that  its  deep  and  rapid  stream  presented  an 
apparently  insurmountable  obstacle  to  their  advance, 
the  soldiers,  who  were  thirsting  for  plunder  and 
renown,  felt  as  though  confronted  by  the  waters  of 
Tantalus,  and  chafed  at  the  impediment  which  lay 
between  them  and  the  longed-for  object  so  nearly  in 
theii  grasp.  Whereupon  a  stalwart  youth  who  had 
lately  joined  the  army,  a  nephew  of  Reimund,  David 
Welsh  as  he  was   called  (though   that  was  not  his 


1 175  A  BOLD  EXPLOIT.  8 1 

family  name,  but  indicated  his  nationality),  a  stripling 
of  promise,  tall  and  gainly,  was  even  more  impatient 
than  his  companions ;  and  in  his  ardent  desire  for 
fame,  regardless  of  the  danger  of  a  horrible  death, 
plunged  into  the  rushing  river  with  its  rough  and 
stony  bottom.  But  by  taking  the  course  of  the  stream 
obliquely,  and  by  availing  himself  of  the  backs  of  the 
wavelets,  he  was  carried  by  his  good  steed  safely 
across,  and  called  out  to  his  comrades  that  he  had 
found  a  ford. 

However,  as  only  a  single  man-at-arms,  one 
Geoffrey  Judas,  followed  his  example,  he  and  Judas 
proceeded  to  recross  at  the  same  place,  but  the  latter 
was  swept  away  by  the  impetuosity  of  the  current  and 
perished.  On  seeing  this  Meiler,  who  had  come  with 
Reimund,  emulous  of  the  intrepid  energy  and  of  the 
daring  exploit  of  David,  who  was  his  kinsman,  settled 
himself  firmly  upon  his  strong  charger  and  dashed 
impulsively  into  the  waters.  Fired  as  he  was  by  the 
zeal  of  rivalry,  and  not  a  whit  daunted  by  the  terrible 
fate  he  had  just  witnessed,  his  confident  boldness 
soon  landed  him  upon  the  other  side. 

But  some  of  the  citizens  met  him  at  the  very  water- 
edge,  others  from  the  fortifications  which  commanded 
the  bank  hurled  volleys  of  stones  and  darts,  striving 
either  to  drive  him  back,  or  better  still  to  slay  him 
where  he  stood.  Yet  the  brave  fellow,  hemmed  in 
though  he  was  by  two  unavoidable  dangers,  here  by 
the  furious  enemy,  there  by  the  raging  flood,  sturdily 
held  his  ground,  receiving  the  missiles  on  his  helmet 
and  his  shield. 

F 


82  STORMING  OF  LIMERICK.  1175 

Reimund,  who  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army 
had  remained  in  the  rear,  was  entirely  ignorant  of 
what  was  going  on,  till  the  loud  shouts  that  arose 
from  each  bank  attracted  his  attention,  when  he  rode 
hastily  up  along  the  lines  without  drawing  rein  before 
he  reached  the  river.  Then,  seeing  his  nephew  upon 
the  opposite  side  in  so  critical  a  situation,  and  exposed 
unsupported  to  the  attacks  of  the  Ostmen,  in  intense 
anxiety  he  cried  out  sharply  to  his  soldiers :  "  Men,  I 
know  your  native  spirit,  and  have  tested  its  mettle  in 
many  a  strait.  Come  then,  the  way  has  been  shown 
us;  this  river  which  seemed  impassable,  our  gallant 
comrades  have  proved  to  be  fordable.  So,  follow  we 
our  leaders  ;  let  us  bear  aid  to  that  chivalrous  youth 
who  is  on  the  point  of  being  overwhelmed,  who  made 
this  venture  for  our  common  good.  Surely  we  must 
not  allow  him  to  risk  his  life  like  this  before  our 
eyes ! '  With  these  words,  he  was  the  first  to  rush 
into  the  stream,  followed  eagerly  by  the  whole  force, 
thus  committing  all  to  fortune.  Every  one  passed 
unharmed,  save  only  two  mounted  retainers  and  one 
man-at-arms  named  Guy,  who  were  drowned.  The 
defenders  were  driven  into  the  city,  and  the  walls  at 
once  stormed  with  a  great  slaughter  of  the  townsmen. 
It  was  a  famous  capture,  and  the  conquerors,  enriched 
with  plenteous  spoil  and  a  vast  quantity  of  gold,  were 
compensated  by  gain  and  glory  for  the  hazard  they 
had  faced. 


1 175  DESCRIPTION  OF  REIMUND.  83 

A  description  of  Reimund  [Fitz-Gerald]. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  ii.  cap.  viii. 
Reimund  was  a  man  not  much  above  middle 
height,  but  very  stout.  He  had  rather  curly  yellow 
hair,  large  round  gray  eyes,  a  somewhat  high  nose, 
and  a  sunburnt  face  of  bright  and  cheerful  expression. 
Although  corpulent,  the  natural  vivacity  of  his  tem- 
perament seemed  to  carry  off  his  bulky  appearance, 
and  his  lively  spirits  drew  away  attention  from  this 
blemish  in  his  person.  In  his  solicitude  for  the  men 
under  his  command  he  would  often  pass  nights  of 
wakefulness,  and  as  though  the  watcher  of  the  watch- 
men, was  wont  to  spend  the  hours  of  darkness  in 
anxiously  going  the  rounds  from  post  to  post  and 
challenging  the  sentinels.  It  was  due  to  his  habitual 
vigilance  that  troops  in  his  charge  very  rarely,  if  ever, 
got  into  difficulties  either  through  rash  undertakings 
or  through  want  of  care.  His  tastes  were  simple  and 
frugal,  luxurious  neither  in  point  of  diet  nor  of  raiment. 
Patient  in  trying  circumstances,  the  extremes  of  heat 
and  cold  he  bore  with  equal  fortitude,  and  no  toil 
drew  from  him  a  murmur.  His  duty  to  his  soldiers 
he  held  of  more  account  than  the  personal  dignity  of 
his  position,  and  he  did  not  hesitate  to  appear  by  his 
labours  for  their  benefit  to  be  rather  their  servant 
than  their  master.  To  sum  up  in  brief  his  merits, 
character,  and  habits,  he  was  a  man  of  liberal  and 
kindly  heart,  but  wary  and  circumspect ;  and  although 
a  dashing  and  experienced  leader,  at  the  same  time 
even    in    military   matters    his    most   distinguishing 


84  DESCRIPTION  OF  MEILER.  1175 

quality  was  his  prudence.  Praiseworthy  as  a  daring 
soldier,  he  was  yet  more  to  be  commended  for  his 
consummate  caution  as  a  general. 


A  description  of  Meiler  [Fitz-Henry]. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  II.  cap.  ix. 

As  for  Meiler,  he  was  a  swarthy  man  with  fierce 
black  eyes  and  keen  visage.  Below  the  middle 
height,  yet  very  powerful  for  one  of  his  stature,  he 
was  square  chested,  and  not  given  to  corpulence ;  his 
arms,  too,  and  other  limbs  were  long  and  muscular 
and  free  from  fat.  As  a  soldier  none  surpassed  him 
in  daring :  he  shrank  from  no  enterprise,  whether  it 
were  to  be  undertaken  by  his  single  hand  or  in  com- 
pany with  others.  He  was  the  first  to  plunge  into 
the  fight,  the  last  to  leave  it.  Into  every  engagement 
he  threw  his  utmost  energies,  prepared  either  to 
vanquish  or  to  die.  Such  was  his  headlong  eagerness 
that  to  achieve  the  wished-for  victory  or  to  meet  his 
end  alone  did  he  deem  worthy :  reckoning  there  to  be 
no  mean  between  the  triumph  of  a  victor  and  the 
glory  of  a  soldier's  death.  So  intense  his  thirst  for 
fame  that  if  perchance  it  had  been  denied  to  him  to 
both  conquer  and  live,  he  would  have  chosen  conquest 
even  at  the  price  of  life. 

Both  these  men  would  have  been  deserving  of  yet 
higher  praise  had  they  subordinated  worldly  ambition 
to  a  becoming  reverence  for  the  Church  of  Christ,  by 
not  only  preserving  inviolate  her  ancient  and  veritable 
rights,  but  also  with  laudable  liberality  contributing  as 


1 1 75  DESCRIPTION  OF  HERVEY.  85 

an  acceptable  peace-offering  to  God  some  portion  of 
that  newly  acquired  land  which  had  been  gained  by 
the  effusion  of  so  much  blood  and  stained  by  the 
slaughter  of  a  Christian  people.  But,  indeed,  it  is 
greatly  to  be  wondered  at,  and  still  more  greatly  to  be 
lamented  that  this  has  unquestionably  been  a  common 
failing  with  all  our  leaders  in  the  Irish  war  from  their 
first  coming  down  to  the  present  day. 

(1175. — Reimund,  having  provisioned  Limerick  and  placed  a 
garrison  there,  returned  into  Leinster.  Meanwhile,  according 
to  Gerald  [II.  10],  Hervey  de  Montmaurice  had  been  privately 
sending  messengers  to  the  king  from  time  to  time  who  played 
upon  the  royal  fears  with  malicious  statements  to  the  effect  that 
Reimund  was  aiming  at  establishing  himself  as  an  independent 
sovereign  in  Ireland.) 

A.D.  1175.— Roderie  pays  tribute. 

Rymer's  Foedera.  Syllabus  ed.  Hardy.  October  6th  1 175. 

"  Agreement  by  which  Roderie,  king  of  Connaught, 
being  permitted  to  retain  his  kingdom  consents  to 
become  liegeman  and  to  pay  tribute  \a  tithe  of  hides'] 
to  the  king." 

A  description  of  Hervey  [de  Montmaurice]. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  ii.  cap.  xi. 

Hervey  was  a  tall,  good-looking  man,  with  prominent 
gray  eyes,  an  engaging  presence,  pleasing  expression 
of  face,  and  a  polished  address.  His  neck  was  long 
and  thin,  too  much  so,  in  fact,  to  properly  support  his 
head,  and  his  shoulders  were  sloping.     Conformably 


86  REIMUND  RECALLED.  1175 

to  such  a  figure  he  had  long  hands  and  arms,  and  a 
chest  only  moderately  broad.  About  the  waist,  where 
most  men  are  inclined  to  swell  out  over  much,  he  was 
naturally  of  slight  dimensions,  so  that  the  lower  part 
of  his  body  was  duly  proportioned  to  the  width  of  his 
breast.  But  his  thigh  and  lower  leg  and  his  feet  were 
well  suited  to  a  soldier  and  harmonized  fairly  well 
with  the  upper  part  of  his  frame.  His  height  was 
above  the  average.  Whatever  graces,  however,  nature 
had  bestowed  in  the  adornment  of  his  personal  appear- 
ance, she  had  countervailed  by  implanting  in  the  inner 
man  many  a  moral  deformity  and  many  a  vice.  For 
from  youth  upwards  he  had  led  a  life  of  reprehensible 
laxity.  He  was  a  malignant,  a  lying  tale-bearer,  and 
a  double-faced  knave.  Crafty,  plausible,  and  false, 
venom  tainted  the  milk  and  honey  of  his  tongue. 
His  principles  were  as  erratic  as  his  purpose  was 
vague  :  he  was  stable  in  his  instability  alone.  For  a 
time  he  flourished  at  the  summit  of  Fortune's  wheel  \ 
but  by  a  sudden  turn  he  was  hurled  to  the  bottom  in 
hopeless  ruin.  In  early  life  he  served  with  some 
merit  in  the  French  wars ;  but  nowadays  he  is  more 
remarkable  for  vindictiveness  than  for  valour,  for 
duplicity  than  distinction,  for  impudence  than  import- 
ance, for  jests  than  judgment,  for  verbosity  than  for 
veracity. 

(1176. — The  king,  influenced  by  the  reports  of  Hervey,  re- 
called Reimund  and  sent  over  four  commissioners,  two  of  whom 
were  to  conduct  the  latter  to  England,  and  two  to  remain  in 
Ireland  with  the  earl.  Just  as  Reimund  was  about  to  leave, 
news  came  that  Donnell,  king  of  Thomond,  had  blockaded  the 
English  garrison  in  Limerick. ) 


1 1 76  RELIEF  OF  LIMERICK.  ^J 

A.D.  1176. — Relief  of  the  garrison  which  had  been 
left  at  Limerick. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug,  Hibem.  Lib.  II.  cap.  xii. 

Reimund  was  now  prepared  to  start,  and  only- 
waited  for  a  favourable  wind,  when,  lo  !  messengers 
appeared  from  the  garrison  of  Limerick  with  tidings 
that  Donnell,  prince  of  Thomond,  had  blockaded  that 
town  with  a  vast  multitude  of  Irish  ;  and  that,  since 
the  supplies  captured  there  or  brought  thither  had 
been  consumed  during  the  winter,  immediate  succour 
was  imperative.  Whereupon  the  earl  in  his  anxiety 
to  send  relief,  addressed  his  men  on  the  subject,  but 
found  them  so  gloomy  and  disheartened  at  the  im- 
pending departure  of  Reimund,  that  they  unanimously 
refused  to  move  without  him. 

In  this  strait  a  consultation  was  held  with  the  royal 
nuncios,  and,  after  some  hesitation,  Reimund  yielded 
to  the  urgent  request  of  the  earl  and  the  nuncios,  and 
started  to  march  back  again  on  Limerick.  As  he 
drew  near  to  Cashel,  with  80  men-at-arms,  200 
mounted  retainers,  and  300  archers,  besides  the  Irish 
auxilaries  who  accompanied  him  under  Murchard  of 
Kenceleia  and  Donnell  of  Ossory,  he  heard  that  the 
men  of  Thomond  had  raised  the  siege  and  had  turned 
to  meet  him  in  the  pass  of  Cashel ;  and  that  by  felling 
trees,  digging  ditches,  and  running  a  stiff  palisade- 
work  across  the  road,  they  had  increased  the  difficulties 
of  a  passage  difficult  enough  by  nature. 


88  PASS   OF  CASHEL  FORCED.  1176 

The  speech  of  Donnell  [of  Ossory]. 
Girald,  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  II.  cap.  xiii. 

The  force  was  now  formed  into  three  divisions,  and 
the  men  girt  themselves  for  the  encounter ;  when,  just 
as  they  were  approaching  the  pass,  Donnell,  prince  of 
the  men  of  Ossory,  who  had  a  bitter  feud  with  those 
of  Thomond,  struck  by  the  small  number  of  the 
English  troops,  though  they  were  splendidly  equipped, 
addressed  them  in  these  words  : — '  Soldiers  whose 
victories  have  placed  this  island  at  your  feet,  I  ask 
you  to  display  your  accustomed  bravery  in  the  attack 
to-day.  If  your  wonted  gallantry  brings  you  out 
victorious  again,  our  axes  will  back  your  swords  in 
pressing  on  the  beaten  foe ;  but  if  my  Irishmen  see 
your  ranks  repulsed,  which  God  forbid,  'tis  ten  chances 
to  one  that  they  will  make  common  cause  with  our 
antagonists  and  turn  upon  you.  Summon,  then, 
soldiers,  all  your  nerve  and  wariness  :  far  hence  are 
our  cities,  far  hence  our  camp,  far  indeed  it  were  to 
fly.  My  countrymen  side  ever  with  the  winning 
battalions,  are  ever  ready  to  fall  on  those  that  flee. 
Trust,  therefore,  to  us  for  sturdy  aid,  but  only  so  long 
as  you  may  keep  yourselves  unconquered.' 

On  hearing  this,  Meiler,  who  led  the  first  division, 
threw  himself  with  his  men  Hke  a  mighty  whirlwind 
into  the  gorge.  Down  went  the  stockade,  torn  away  or 
broken  in,  utterly  destroyed  ;  down,  too,  its  defenders  ; 
and  a  broad  path  was  cloven  by  the  sword  through 
the  masses  of  the  enemy  behind.  Thus  was  the  pass 
of  Cashel  forced,  and  it  was  on  Easter  Eve  \Ap.  3]. 


1 1 76  CONFERENCES.  89 

Three  days  later,  on  Tuesday  in  Easter  week,  the 
triumphant  army  entered  Limerick,  being  the  very 
day  on  which  the  city  had  been  taken  before. 

After  making  good  the  damage  sustained  by  the 
walls  during  the  blockade,  Reimund  met  the  princes 
of  Connaught  and  Thomond  in  conference,  on  the 
same  day,  but  in  different  places.  Roderic  came  in  a 
boat  on  the  great  lake  *  which  is  the  source  of  that 
noble  river  the  Shannon,  whose  two  branches  it  sends 
forth  to  flow  afar  through  opposite  parts  of  the  island 
to  the  ocean ;  \  Donnell  chose  a  spot  at  no  great 
distance  from  Roderic  on  the  other  \wesi\  side  of  the 
river  and  at  the  edge  of  a  certain  wood ;  while 
Reimund  lay  between  the  two,  north  of  Killaloe  and 
about  16  miles  from  Limerick.  The  colloquy  was 
prolonged  until  both  princes  gave  hostages  then  and 
there,  and  in  renewing  their  pledges  of  good  faith  to 
the  king  of  the  English  and  his  subjects,  took  their 
corporal  oaths  that  in  future  those  pledges  should  be 
preserved  inviolate. 

(We  have  seen  that  in  this  expedition  the  English  had  taken 
advantage  of  a  tribal  feud  to  enlist  natives  in  their  service.  This 
policy  was  continued  ;  indeed  we  find  Irish  princes  applying  to 
them  for  aid  even  against  their  nearest  kinsmen.) 

*  Lough  Derg. 

t  Gerald  thought  that  the  Shannon  north  of  Lough  Derg  was 
united  with  Lough  Erne,  and  so  joined  the  sea  at  Ballyshannon 
in  Donegal  Bay. 


90  DEATH  OF  STRONGBOW.  1176 


A.D,   1176.— Concerning  the   announcement  to 
Reimund  of  the  death  of  the  earl. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Exptig,  Hibern.  Lib.  II.  cap.  xiv. 

But  while  this  was  doing  in  Desmond,  there  came 
to  Reimund  an  express  sent  in  all  haste  from  Dublin 
and  bearing  a  missive  from  his  wife  Basilia,*  though 
the  messenger  was  ignorant  of  its  contents.  The 
epistle  was  therefore  read  to  Reimund  f  in  private  by 
a  certain  clerk  of  his  household,  and  the  purport  of  it 
was  this  : — '  To  Reimund,  her  well-beloved  lord  and 
spouse,  his  Basilia  wisheth  the  same  health  as  she 
hath  herself.  Be  it  known  to  thee  my  true  love,  that 
the  great  jaw-tooth  thou  wottest  of,  the  which  hath 
troubled  me  so  much,  hath  just  dropt  out.  Wherefore 
if  there  be  any  love  in  thee  for  me,  or  even  for  thyself, 
see  that  thou  tarry  not  but  hasten  thy  return.*  When 
these  words  had  been  read,  Reimund  shrewdly  guessed 
that  by  the  falling  out  of  the  tooth  was  indicated  the 
death  of  the  earl.  For  on  setting  out  he  had  left  the 
latter  lying  at  Dublin  sick  of  a  grave  malady.  The 
earl  thus  died  a  natural  death,  and  the  date  was  about 
the  ist  of  June.  Through  fear  of  the  Irish,  everything 
was  done  to  keep  his  decease  a  secret  until  the  return 
of  Reimund  and  his  force.  J 

*  Sister  of  Strongbow. 

t  Who  very  probably  could  not  read  himself. 

X  So,  according  to  the  legends,  the  news  of  the  death  of 
Tarquinius  Priscus  was  suppressed  until  Servius  Tullius  had 
established  his  position,  and  that  of  the  Cid  was  concealed  from 
the  Moors  pending  the  battle  of  the  Navas  de  Tolosa,  in  1099. 


1 1 76  BURNING  OF  LIMERICK.  9 1 

Annals  of  the  Four  Masters :  1176  ;  O' Donovan' s 
Translation  from  the  Irish. 

"  The  English  earl  died  of  an  ulcer  which  had 
broken  out  in  his  foot  through  the  miracles  of  SS. 
Bridget  *  and  Columbkille,  and  of  all  the  other  saints 
whose  churches  had  been  destroyed  by  him.  He  saw, 
as  he  thought,  St.  Bridget  in  the  act  of  kiUing  him." 

(The  death  of  the  earl,  the  situation  of  Limerick  in  a  remote 
and  hostile  district,  and  his  own  impending  departure  for 
England,  decided  Reimund,  after  some  hesitation,  to  evacuate 
that  city,  and  concentrate  the  English  troops  within  the  Pale.) 


A.D.  1176. — [The  burning  of  Limerick  and  the  burial 
of  the  earl.] 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  11.  cap.  xiv. 

Reimund,  finding  none  among  his  officers  willing 
to  undertake  the  custody  of  the  city  after  his  departure, 
entrusted  it  of  his  own  accord  to  Donnell  of  Thomond, 
as  a  baron  of  his  lord  the  king  of  the  English.  That 
chieftain  gave  fresh  hostages,  and  was  profuse  in  his 
oaths  to  preserve  the  place  uninjured,  to  restore  it  at 
the  royal  command  if  required  so  to  do,  and  to  keep 
the  peace.  But,  just  as  the  English  were  marching 
out,  and  when  the  rear  of  their  column  had  scarcely 
passed  the  further  end  of  the  bridge,  it  was  broken 

*  Born  about  450,  died  525  ;  contemporary  with  St.  Patrick. 
The  saint's  day  of  "  the  Mary  of  Erin  "  is  February  1st,  and  she 
is  remarkable  as  the  patroness  of  a  sacred  fire,  like  that  of  Vesta 
at  Rome.  St.  Bridget's  fire  was  duly  kept  up  till  the  dissolution 
of  monasteries  in  Henry  VIII. 's  reign. 


92  BURIAL    OF  STRONGBOW.  1176 

down  behind  them  from  the  town  side  of  the  river ! 
They  turned,  and  beheld  with  grief  and  vexation  that 
fair  city,  with  its  noble  walls,  its  handsome  buildings, 
and  its  vast  store  of  supplies  collected  from  all  the 
country  round,  fired  in  four  separate  quarters,  and 
given  up  to  the  flames.  It  was  the  work  of  the  traitor 
Donnell,  who  by  this  new  and  shameless  deed  of 
perfidy,  this  scandalous  instance  of  foul  play,  was 
affording  an  indication  of  what  sort  of  confidence 
should  be  reposed  for  the  future  in  the  good  faith  of 
the  Irish  race. 

The  king  of  the  English,  on  hearing  of  the  above 
daring  march  to  the  assistance  of  the  city,  is  reported 
to  have  said  : — '  It  was  a  gallant  piece  of  work  that 
attack  on  Limerick,  and  its  relief  still  more  so  :  but 
the  evacuation  of  it  afterwards  was  an  act  of  pure 
wisdom.' 

And  so  the  garrison  returned  to  Dublin,  and  the 
body  of  the  earl,  which  by  his  own  wish  had  been 
kept  unburied  until  Reimund's  arrival,  was  entombed 
with  great  state  in  the  chancel  of  the  Church  of  the 
Holy  Trinity  \_C/i?'tst  Church']  at  Dublin,*  Laurence, 
the  archbishop  of  that  see,  officiating  at  the  obsequies. 

(In  these  circumstances  the  commissioners  returned  to  England 
for  instructions,  leaving  Reimund  to  act  as  * '  procurator  "  in 
Ireland.  The  king  sent  over  William  Fitz-Aldelm,  as  procurator 
and  justiciary,  to  take  the  place  of  the  late  earl,  and  with  him 
came  as  a  coadjutor  John  de  Courci.  At  this  point  of  his 
history  Gerald  gives  vent  to  his  anger  against  the  royal  officers 
who  had  supplanted  his  relatives  the  Geraldines.) 

*  Where  his  tomb,  and  that  of  Eva  his  wife,  may  still  be  seen. 


1 1 76         A   PRAISE    OF  THE    GERALDINES,  93 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  ii.  cap,  xv. 

From  that  hour,  then,  this  fellow  [^Fitz-Aldelm'\  as 
well  as  every  other  procurator  of  Ireland  through 
jealousy  ceased  not  as  though  by  a  common  under- 
standing to  harass  Reimund,  Mailer,  the  Fitz-Maurices, 
the  Fitz-Stephens  and  their  whole  family ;  though 
possibly  they  were  prompted  to  it  by  instructions 
from  high  quarters.*  For  this  seems  to  have  been 
the  destined  lot  of  our  house  :  in  times  of  war  ever 
foremost,  ever  renowned  beyond  all  for  manly  enter- 
prise, at  such  times  they  were  valued  as  their  worth 
deserved.  But  when  the  pinch  of  necessity  was 
relaxed,  straightway  they  found  neglect,  abasement, 
and  the  hatred  which  springs  from  envy.  Yet  not 
even  the  spirit  of  invidious  rivalry  could  wholly  uproot 
a  stock  so  noble  in  its  nature.  Whence  even  to  this 
day  our  race,  increased  and  multiplied  by  fresh  off- 
shoots, has  no  small  influence  in  the  island.  Who  are 
they  who  penetrate  the  strongholds  of  the  foe  ?  The 
Geraldines.  Who  are  they  whose  valour  holds  the 
conquered  land  in  thrall?  The  Geraldines.  Who 
are  they  on  whom  the  trembling  foeman  looks  with 
dread  ?  The  Geraldines.  And  who  are  they  whose 
manly  worth  malicious  envy  wrongs  ?  The  Geraldines. 
Oh  that  they  had  found  a  prince  willing  to  duly  requite 
their  earnest  toil !  How  tranquil,  how  full  of  true 
peace  would  have  been  the  state  of  Ireland  under 
their  control !  But  their  energy  always  evoked  un- 
reasonable suspicion,  while  those  to  whom  a  misplaced 

*  The  king. 


94  DESCRIPTION  OF  FITZ-ALDELM.  1176 

confidence  has  entrusted  the  charge  of  the  country 
afford  but  a  blind  security  which  is  based  on  no 
foundation. 

Yet   my  glorious   and    gallant   kinsmen,   ye    who 

despise  the  sweets  of  life  but  love  laborious   days, 

falter  not,  go  forward  still  on  the  path  of  virtue  that 

you  have  ever  trod — 

Blest  in  your  manly  worth  proclaimed  if  aught  my  lines  avail.* 

A  description  of  Fitz-Aldelm. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibeni.  Lib.  II.  cap.  xvi. 

This  Fitz-Aldelm  was  a  stout  man,  yet  neither  in 
height  nor  build  much  above  the  ordinary  size.  His 
tastes  were  sumptuous,  his  manners  those  of  a  courtier. 
But  whenever  he  was  unusually  polite,  you  might  be 
sure  that  he  had  some  snare  or  trick  on  hand.  In 
the  honey  he  ofTered  there  was  poison  ;  the  snake  in 
the  grass  was  the  type  of  his  mind  Without  he 
appeared  an  open-hearted  and  kindly  man,  but 
within — 

There  was  more  gall  than  honey  in  his  soul.f 

Always  he — 

Wears  placid  and  fair-seeming  brow,  and  greets  with  smiles  and 

smirks, 
While  hidden  in  his  hollow  heart  the  fox's  cunning  lurks. t 

*  Verg.  ^n,  ix.  446.  [On  or  about  1st  September,  1176, 
died  Maurice  Fitz-Gerald,  at  Wexford.] 

t  Juv.  vi.  181.      7  ^      , ,,  ,     . 

+  Persius   v   116  N  ^^^^^^^  quotations  are  not  verbatim. 


1 1 77  INVASION  OF  ULSTER.  95 

Always  he — 

Proffers  some  deadly  draught  in  cup  with  honied  rim.* 

"His  words  were  softer  than  oil,  Yet  were  they 
drawn  swords."  f  Those  whom  to-day  he  treated  with 
respect,  to-morrow  he  would  calumniate  or  plunder. 
A  bully  to  the  defenceless,  before  those  who  faced 
him  without  flinching  he  cringed  like  the  coward  he 
was.  Lording  it  over  the  abject,  to  real  force  of 
character  he  bowed  in  all  submission.  An  enemy  in 
arms  he  would  meet  with  blandishments,  but  crushed 
with  h)rutal  severity  a  beaten  foe.  In  the  former  he 
inspired  no  fear,  with  the  latter  he  kept  no  faith.  A 
trickster,  a  flatterer,  and  a  craven  ;  a  slave,  moreover, 
to  wine  and  venery.  Greedy  of  gold,  as  he  was,  and 
a  seeker  after  court  favour,  it  is  hard  to  say  whether 
avarice  or  servility  predominated  in  his  soul. 

(In  1 177  John  de  Courci  ventured  on  an  expedition  into  Ulster 
on  his  own  account :  it  was  the  first  time  an  English  force  had 
penetrated  into  that  province.  After  marching  for  three  days 
through  Meath  and  Uriel,^  on  the  fourth  day  \Feb.  \st\  he 
reached  Down,  the  capital  of  Ulidia,§  and  not  being  expected 
by  the  natives  entered  the  city  with  little  opposition  {Gerald  says 
without  any].     The  country,  however,  soon  armed  against  him, 

*  Ovid,  Amores,  I.  viii.  104  (Gerald's  quotation  is  not 
verbatim.) 

t  Ps.  Iv.  21. 

X  Uriel,  or  Oriel,  comprised  the  later  counties  of  Louth, 
Armagh,  Monaghan  and  most  of  Fermanagh.  It  thus  stretched 
across  Ireland  from  sea  to  sea,  and  formed  the  southern  border 
of  Ulster. 

§  Down  and  Antrim. 


g6  VIVIANUS    THE   LEGATE.  1177 

and  five  battles  were  fought,  the  first  two  and  the  last  of  which 
he  won.  The  mixed  races  of  north  Ireland  seem  to  have  fought 
better  than  their  Kelt-Iberian  fellow-countrymen  of  the  south, 
for  they  beat  the  invaders  twice,  and  this  is  noted  by  Gerald  in 
connection  with  the  campaign  and  again  below  *  [chap.  20].  In 
the  Irish  hero-tales  Ulster  is  always  more  than  a  match  for  the 
rest  of  Ireland. ) 

A.D.  1177. — [Concerning  the  invasion  of  Ulster  by 
Jolin  de  Conrci  and  the  doings  of  Vivianus  the 
legate.] 

Wilelm.  Nrduburg.  Hist.  Rer.  Anglic.  1177. 

John  de  Courci,  getting  together  a  strong  body  of 
horse  and  foot,  conceived  the  idea  of  invading  that 
province  of  Ireland  which  is  separated  from  the 
kingdom  of  Scotland  by  a  narrow  strait  and  is  named 
Ulster.  There  had  chanced  to  come  from  Scotland 
thither,  as  legate  of  the  Apostolic  See,  one  Vivianus, 
a  man  of  great  eloquence ;  he  had  been  respectfully 
received  by  the  king  and  bishops  of  the  province,  and 
was  staying  for  the  time  being  in  the  maritime  state 
called  Down.  Now  when  the  approach  of  the  enemy 
was  reported,  the  Irish  consulted  the  legate  as  to 
what  should  be  done  at  such  a  crisis.  He  replied 
that  they  should  fight  for  their  fatherland,  and  on 
their  deciding  to  do  so  gave  them  his  benediction  and 
offered  up  prayers  for  their  success.  Animated  by 
this  they  rushed  boldly  to  battle,  but  were  easily 
overcome  and  put  to  flight  by  the  mail-clad  cavalry 
and  the  archers  of  the  English.     In  consequence  of 

*  Connaught,  which  practically  maintained  its  independence, 
was  Keltic  ;  but  it  had  great  geographical  advantages. 


1 177  SUPERSTITION  IN  ULSTER.  97 

this  defeat  the  city  of  Down  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
victors.  Then  the  Roman  legate  took  refuge  with 
his  attendants  in  a  church  which  was  renowned  for 
the  relics  of  saints.  But  he  was  a  prudent  man,  and 
had  provided  himself  with  letters  from  the  king  of  the 
English  to  his  officials  in  Ireland,  to  the  end  that 
backed  by  their  good-will  he  might  carry  out  the  duties 
of  his  legation  among  the  barbarians.  Protected  by 
the  authority  of  these  credentials,  he  passed  on  to 
Dublin,  and,  acting  confidently  in  the  name  either 
of  his  lord  the  pope  or  of  the  king  of  the  English, 
called  together  the  bishops  and  abbots  of  the  island 
and  proclaimed  a  general  council  \_March  13//^,  1177]. 
But  on  his  proposing  with  too  much  precipitancy  to 
introduce  the  Romish  discipline  into  the  simple  native 
church,  he  received  notice  from  the  royal  officers  to 
depart  out  of  the  country  or  to  lend  his  support  to 
their  arms ;  whereupon  he  returned  to  Scotland,  laden 
with  less  of  the  longed-for  Irish  gold  than  he  had 
hoped  to  carry  off  with  him.  John  de  Courci  and  his 
followers  had  now  occupied  the  adjacent  territory  of 
Downpatrick  as  well  as  the  town  itself,  and,  after 
repelHng  the  attacks  of  the  Irish  princes,  went  on  to 
take  Armagh  by  storm.  This  is  considered  the 
metropolitan  city  of  Ireland,  out  of  reverence  for  St. 
Patrick  and  other  saints  of  the  land  whose  sacred 
relics  are  deposited  there.  He  thus  subdued  the 
whole  district.  The  people  of  this  province  [  Ulster\ 
are  said  to  have  been  until  that  time  superstitious 
beyond  all  the  Irish  tribes  in  the  matter  of  the  cele- 
..bration  of  Easter.     For,  as   I  have  been  told  by  a 

G 


98  A    VICTORY  OF  DE  COURCL  II77 

certain  venerable  bishop  of  that  race,  they  think  they 
are  doing  service  to  God  in  accumulating  through 
the  year  by  theft  and  rapine  goods  to  be  wastefully 
consumed  during  the  Paschal  solemnities  in  providing 
most  extravagant  banquets,  in  honour,  forsooth,  of 
our  Lord.  And  there  used  to  be  great  rivalry  among 
them  lest  haply  any  one  should  be  surpassed  by  his 
fellows  in  the  lavish  preparation  of  viands  and  dishes. 
But  this  most  superstitious  custom  they  relinquished 
together  with  their  liberty  when  conquered. 

(We  may  notice  here  in  passing  a  complete  change  of  front  in 
the  policy  of  Vivianus,  who  at  the  synod  he  convoked  at  Dublin 
enjoined  submission  to  the  English  king  under  pain  of  excom- 
munication.    See,  too,  a  note  on  Gerald,  II.  19,  below.) 


A.D.  1177. — [Victory  of  de  Courci  at  Dovsrnpatrick.] 

Aniials  of  Innisf alien :  1177;  0' Donovan's  Translation 

from  the  Irish, 

"  Melaghlin  O'Neill,  at  the  head  of  the  Kinel-Owen 
\men  of  Kenekonid],  and  Rory  \^Roderic\  Mac  Donlevy, 
at  the  head  of  the  Ulidians,  accompanied  by  the 
archbishop  of  x\rmagh,  .  .  .  the  bishop  of  Ulidia 
[Down],  and  the  clergy  of  the  north  of  Ireland, 
repaired  with  their  noble  relics  *  to  Downpatrick,  to 
take  it  from  John  de  Courci.  A  fierce  battle  was 
fought  between  them,  in  which  the  Kinel-Owen  and 
Ulidians  were  defeated,  with  the  loss  of  500  men. 

*  Cp.  the  sacred  host  and  the  banners  of  the  saints  in  the 
English  army  at  the  battle  of  the  Standard  in  1138,  and  the 
"  carroccio  "  of  the  Italian  republics. 


1 177  DESCRIPTION  OF  DE   COURCl.  99 

.  .  .  The  archbishop  of  Armagh,  the  bishop  of 
Down,  and  all  the  clergy  were  taken  prisoners ;  and 
the  English  got  possession  of  the  crosiers  of  St. 
Comgall*  and  St.  Dachiarog,t  the  Book  of  Armagh,  J 
besides  a  Bell  called  Ceolan  an  Tighearna  \inusical 
bell  of  the  Kings].  They  afterwards,  however,  set  the 
bishops  at  liberty,  and  restored  the  Book  of  Armagh 
and  the  Bell,  but  they  killed  all  the  inferior  clergy, 
and  kept  the  other  noble  relics,  which  .  .  .  are  still 
in  the  hands  of  the  English." 

A  description  of  Jolin  de  Courci. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  11.  cap.  xviii. 
John  de  Courci  was  a  tall,  fair  man,  with  big-boned, 
muscular  limbs,  large  of  frame  and  powerfully  built. 
He  had  great  personal  strength,  and  his  intrepidity  was 
remarkable.  A  bom  soldier,  in  action  he  was  always 
to  be  found  in  the  van  taking  upon  himself  the  brunt 
of  the  battle.  Such  was  his  impatience  and  his  eager- 
ness for  the  fray,  that,  even  when  in  command,  he 
would  usually  forget  that  a  general  should  be  calm 
and  self-possessed  :  the  leader  became  lost  in  the 
soldier.  With  headlong  impetuosity  he  habitually  flew 
to  the  front,  so  that  there  was  a  risk  that  if  his  men 

*  Flourished  circa  550.  His  saint's  day  is  May  loth. 
"  Every  Sunday  he  used  to  eat  "  {Martyrology  of  Donegal). 

t  Prophet,  and  patron  saint  of  Errigal-Keeroge  in  Tyrone  : 
commemorated  on  May  7th. 

X  Written  about  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century.  It 
contained  the  New  Testament,  the  canon  of  St.  Patrick,  a  sketch 
of  his  life,  etc.  This  MS.,  which  is  on  vellum  and  written  in 
Old  Irish  and  L,atin,  is  still  in  existence. 


lOO  DESCRIPTION  OF  DE   COURCI.  1177 

wavered  in  their  support  of  him,  victory  would  be  lost 
through  his  seeking  it  with  too  much  haste.  Yet 
although  in  the  excitement  of  a  fight  he  knew  no 
restraint  and  acted  more  like  an  ordinary  man-at-arms 
than  a  commander,  in  private  life  he  was  a  discreet 
and  sober-minded  man ;  one,  moreover,  who  yielded 
proper  reverence  to  the  Church  of  Christ.  For  he 
was  at  all  times  a  regular  attendant  at  divine  worship, 
and  showed  by  public  thanksgiving  that  he  ascribed 
to  the  heavenly  grace  any  success  that  he  attained. 
Did  he  achieve  a  deed  of  glory,  the  glory  of  that  deed 
he  recognized  as  due  to  God.  But  since,  as  Tully 
says,  '  No  one  thing  has  Nature  elaborated  to  absolute 
perfection  in  every  point,'  *  the  blemishes  of  extreme 
parsimony  and  inconstancy  stained  the  snowy  white- 
ness of  the  many  virtues  I  have  mentioned. 

He  married  a  daughter  of  Guthred,  king  of  Man, 
and  after  a  long  and  severe  struggle,  in  which  the 
fortune  of  war  shifted  now  to  this  side,  now  to  that, 
he  at  length  firmly  established  himself  as  the  con- 
queror and  kept  the  country  under  by  building  castles 
in  advantageous  positions  throughout  the  whole  of 
Ulster.  Thus  he  finally  restored  peace  and  settled 
order,  though  only  after  undergoing  much  toil  and 
privation  and  many  dangers. 

It  strikes  me,  by  the  way,  as  a  remarkable  fact  that 
these  four  main  pillars  of  the  Irish  conquest,  Fitz- 
Stephen,  Hervey,  Reimund,  and  John  de  Courci,  by 
some  mysterious  though  doubtless  equitable  ordinance 
of  the  Almighty,  were  not  deemed  deserving  of  the 
*  Cic.  Inv.  ii.  3. 


1 1 77  INVASION  OF  CONNAUGHT.  lOI 

blessing  of  lawful  issue  by  their  wives.  I  might  add 
to  these  a  fifth,  namely,  Meiler,  whose  wife  up  to  the 
present  time  has  borne  him  no  offspring. 


A.D.  1177. — Invasion  of  Connaught. 

Gi?-ald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  II.  cap.  xix. 

After  this,*  Milo  de  Cogan,  who  under  Fitz-Aldelm 
was  Constable  of  the  garrison  of  Dublin,  and  had  for 
the  second  time  been  appointed  Warden  of  the  City, 
with  40  men-at-arms — 20  of  whom  were  led  by  Ralph, 
a  son  of  Fitz-Stephen,  and  a  youth  of  great  promise — , 
200  mounted  retainers  and  300  bowmen,  crossed 
the  Shannon  and  boldly  invaded  Connaught,  which 
hitherto  had  not  been  attacked  by  the  EngHsh.  Then 
the  men  of  Connaught  with  their  own  hands  set  fire 
to  their  towns  and  villages  in  all  directions.  They 
burnt,  too,  their  churches,  and  whatever  provisions 
could  not  be  hidden  in  the  crypts.f  Finally,  in  order 
to  bring  scandal  upon  our  people  and  to  call  forth 
the  divine  vengeance  upon  their  heads,  they  took 
down  the  crucifixes  and  the  images  of  the  sainjts  and 

*  The  synod  at  Dublin. 

t  As  in  England  during  the  Danish  invasions  treasures  were 
often  concealed  in  the  crypts  of  the  monasteries,  so  in  Ireland  in 
troublous  times  provisions  were  carried  to  the  churches  for  safe 
keeping.  The  legate  Vivianus  had  ordered  that  the  English 
troops  were  to  have  the  right  of  buying  such  stores  on  due 
payment  [Gerald,  II.  19].  The  buildings  were  burnt  that  they 
might  not  be  used  as  quarters  by  the  English.  The  Irish 
houses,  and  usually  even  the  churches,  were  built  of  wood  and 
wattle- work  :  hence  the  need  for  and  use  of  the  Round  Towers. 


102         DESCRIPTION  OF  FITZ- STEPHEN.  1177 

Strewed  them  over  the  plains  in  the  path  of  our  ad- 
vancing forces.  The  English  troops  penetrated  as  far 
as  Tuam,  which  is  the  chief  city  of  those  parts,  and 
made  a  stay  of  eight  days  in  the  land  of  the  enemy ; 
but  finding  the  country  stripped  of  supplies,  they  then 
fell  back  upon  the  Shannon.  There  they  found 
Roderic,  king  of  Connaught,  posted  in  a  wood  near 
the  river,  with  his  host  in  three  large  divisions.  A 
fierce  engagement  ensued,  but  de  Courci,  after  making 
much  slaughter  am.ong  the  Irishry,  got  off  with  the 
loss  of  only  three  archers,  and  retreated  to  Dublin.* 

(This  same  year,  1177,  Fitz-Aldelm  was  recalled  together  with 
Milo  de  Cogan  and  Fitz-Stephen,  and  Hugh  de  Laci  was  sent 
out  as  procurator,  while  Fitz-Aldelm  returned  as  '  dapifer  '  and 
governor  of  Wexford,  and  Milo  de  Cogan  and  Fitz-Stephen  as 
joint  governors  of  Desmond,  Robert  le   Poer  being  appointed 

*  marescallus '  and  governor  of  Waterford.  Fitz-Aldelm,  ac- 
cording to  Gerald  [who,  however,   is  no  friend  to  him,  as  his 

*  descriptio '  shows]  had  not  distinguished  himself  in  any  way 
during  his  procuratorship.) 


A  description  of  [Robert]  Fitz-Stephen. 

Girald.  Catnbr.  Expug.  Hiberii.  Lib.  i.  cap.  xxvi. 

O  gallant  soul,  matchless  example  of  heroism  and 
true  enterprise !  O  thou  sport  of  fickle  destiny,  now 
and    again    prosperous,    but    far    more    often    not ! 

*  In  the  "  Four  Masters  "  it  is  stated  that  this  invasion  was 
prompted  by  Murrough,  son  of  Roderic,  and  that  the  former 
was  afterwards  punished,  his  father  ordering  his  eyes  to  be  put 
out.  In  early  times  blindness  was  for  all  political  purposes 
equivalent  to  death. 


1 1 78  DEFEAT  OF  DE   COURCI.  I03 

Gallant,  indeed,  who  both  in  Ireland  and  in  Wales  bore 
with  unruffled  spirit  many  a  vicissitude  of  fate  ! 

With  weal  or  woe  inconstant  Fortune  toyed, 
By  turns  he  suffered,  and  by  turns  enjoyed.* 

Verily,  Fitz-Stephen,  thou  wert  a  second  Marius ! 
For  consider  the  Roman  or  thyself  in  the  hour  of 
success,  and  marvel  that  success  could  be  so  brilliant : 
look  at  thyself  or  him  in  adversity,  how  profound  that 
adversity  ! 

Fitz-Stephen  was  a  well-favoured  man  of  burly 
make,  and  sound  and  vigorous  health ;  in  stature 
slightly  above  the  middle  height.  A  free  liver  and 
open-handed,  he  had  a  hearty  way  with  him  :  in  short 
was  a  right  good  fellow,  but  given  over-much  to  wine 
and  women. 

A.D.  1178.— [The  two  defeats  of  de  Courci  in  Ulster.] 

Annals  of  the  Four  Masters :  11 78;  0' Donovan'' s 
Translation  from  the  Irish, 

"John  de  Courci  with  his  foreigners  repaired  to 
Machaire  Conaille  \in  the  level  part  of  co.  LoutK\,  and 
committed  depredations  there.  They  encamped  for 
a  night  \by  the  bridge  of  Newry\  in  Glenree  ["  The 
Vale  of  the  river  Righe''\  where  Murrough  O'Carroll, 
lord  of  Uriel,  and  Cooley  MacDonlevy,  king  of 
Ulidia,  made  a  hostile  attack  upon  them,  and  drowned 
and  otherwise  killed  450  of  them.  100  of  the  Irish, 
together  with  O'Hanvy,  lord  of  Hy-Meith-Macha  \in 
CO.  Monaghan\  fell  in  the  heat  of  the  battle. 
*  Luc.  Pharsal.  ii.  131. 


104       ANOTHER  DEFEAT  OF  DE   COURCI.      1178 

John  de  Courci  soon  after  proceeded  to  plunder 
Dalaradia  \co.  Down]  and  Hy-Tuirtre  [in  Ulidid\^  and 
Cumee  O'Flynn,  lord  of  Hy-Tuirtre  and  Firlee  \in 
CO.  Antrim\  gave  battle  to  him  and  his  foreigners  and 
defeated  them  with  great  slaughter,  through  the 
miracles  of  Patrick,  Columbkille,  and  Brendan ;  *  and 
John  himself  escaped  with  difficulty,  being  severely 
wounded,  and  fled  to  Dublin. 

The  Constable  of  the  king  of  England  in  Dublin 
and  East  Meath  (namely  Hugo)  f  marched  with  his 
forces  to  Clonmacnoise  \in  Kin^s  Co.]  and  plundered 
all  the  town  except  the  churches  and  the  bishop's 
houses.  God  and  Kieran  J  wrought  a  manifest 
miracle  against  them,  for  they  were  unable  to  rest  or 
sleep,  until  they  had  secretly  absconded  from  Cuirr 
Cluana  on  the  next  day. 

The  river  Galway  was  dried  up  for  a  period  of  a 
natural  day ;  all  the  articles  that  had  been  lost  in  it 
from  remotest  times,  as  well  as  its  fish,  were  collected 
by  the  inhabitants  of  the  fortress,  and  by  the  people 
of  the  country  in  general." 

*  St.  Brendan,  or  Brandan,  abbot  of  Clonfert,  was  the  great 
sailor-saint.  He  died  in  576,  the  year  before  the  battle  of 
Dyrham,  and  his  death  day  and  saint's  day  is  May  i6th. 

"  Seven  years  on  a  whale's  back  he  spent, 
"  It  was  a  difficult  mode  of  piety." 

[^Martyrolo^  of  Donegal!), 
t  Hugh  de  Laci. 

J  St.  Kieran,  founder  and  first  abbot  of  the  monastery  of 
Clonmacnoise,  died  September  9th,  549.  The  day  of  his  death 
is  his  saint's  day.  He  died,  then,  just  when  the  Angles  were 
beginning  to  found  the  kingdom  of  Northumbria. 


Ii82  ASSASSINATION  OF  DE   COG  AN.  105 

(From  the  5th  to  the  19th  of  March,  1179,  there  sat,  under 
the  presidency  of  pope  Alexander  iii,  the  famous  *'  Concilium 
Lateranense,"  the  eleventh  general  council  [but  first  general 
council  of  Lateran],  to  discuss  matters  of  ecclesiastical  discipline. 
As  representatives  of  the  Irish  Church  went  Laurence  O'Toole 
archbishop  of  Dublin,  Catholicus  archbishop  of  Tuam,  and  five 
or  six  bishops). 

Benedict.  Abbat.  Gest.  reg.  Hen.  II.:  11 78. 
And  they  \the  above  prelates]  swore  to  the  king  on 
the  Holy  Gospels  that  they  designed  nothing  to  the 
prejudice  of  the  crown  or  kingdom  of  England. 


A.D.  1182. — [Assassination  of  Mile  de  Cogan :  Irish 
account.] 

Annals  of  Loch  Ce:  1182;  Henness/s  Translation 

fro7n  the  Irish. 

"Milo  de  Cogan,  after  assuming  the  kingship  of 
Cork  and  Desmond,  and  after  plundering  Ath-cliath 
\publin\  and  Port-Lairge  [  Waterford],  and  Cork ; 
and  after  destroying  all  Erinn,  both  church  and 
territory,  was  slain  by  Mac  Tire,  king  of  Ui-Mac-caille 
[in  CO.  Cork],  and  [there  was]  a  slaughter  of  foreigners 
along  with  him,  (viz.)  : — Mac  Sleimme,  and  Thomas 
Sugach  ("Thomas  the  Merry"),  and  Cenn-cuilinn 
(Reimund  of  Kantitune?),  and  Remunn  (Reimund 
Fitz-Hugh),  and  two  sons  of  [Fitz-]Stephen,  and  a 
great  many  more." 


I06  ASSASSINATION  OF  DE   CO  CAN.  1182 

A.D.  1182. — Assassination  of  Milo  de  Cogan  [Eng- 
lish account]. 

Girald.  Ca?nbr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  II.  cap.  xx. 

Fitz-Stephen  and  Milo  de  Cogan  had  now  jointly 
governed  Desmond  in  peace  for  five  years,  curbing  by 
the  example  of  their  moderation  the  impetuosity  of 
the  younger  men  both  among  their  own  followers  and 
among  the  natives,  when  Milo  and  Ralph,  a  son  of 
Fitz-Stephen  *  and  lately  married  to  Milo's  daughter, 
set  out  for  Lismore.  While  sitting  in  a  field  awaiting 
a  conference  with  the  men  of  Waterford,  they  were 
suddenly  attacked  and  murdered  with  axe-blows  from 
behind  by  five  men  headed  by  the  traitor  Mac  Tire, 
who  was  to  have  been  their  host  that  night.  The 
opportunity  suggested  by  this  calamity  at  once  dis- 
turbed the  whole  country  to  such  an  extent  that 
Dermot  Mac  Carthy,  and  with  him  almost  all  the 
Irish  of  that  region,  threw  off  their  allegiance  to  the 
English  and  rose  in  revolt  against  Fitz-Stephen,  who 
had  already  so  often  experienced  the  mutability  of 
fortune.  Nor  did  the  district  afterwards  revert  to  its 
former  tranquillity  until  Reimund  succeeded  as  heir 
to  his  uncle  Fitz-Stephen  and  obtained  the  sole 
custody  of  the  city  ;  f  and  perhaps  not  even  then. 

As  it  is  with  all  other  nations,  in  the  North  of 

Ireland  the  inhabitants  are  warlike,  while  those  of  the 

"southern  parts  are  crafty.      The  one  people  seekers 

after  fame,  the  other  seekers  after  fraud;  the  former 

♦  See  Gerald,  Bk.  II.  chap.  19  just  above. 
t  Cork. 


Ii83  GERALD   COMES  OVER.  10/ 

rest  their  hopes  on  war,  the  latter  on  their  wiles  ; 
those  put  forth  their  strength,  these  descend  to 
stratagem  j  there  we  find  battle,  here  betrayal.  Perti- 
nent to  this  are  the  words  of  the  poet : — 

Braced  by  the  breezes  of  the  Northern  spring, 
The  warrior  comes  who  knoweth  not  dismay ; 
No  fears  hath  hideous  death  for  him,  no  sting ; 
Nor  yieldeth  he,  nor  wavereth  in  the  fray. 

But  he  who  droops  in  burning  Southern  vales, 
Where  hot-breathed  zephyrs  enervate  the  frame, 
Unused  to  toil,  where  tilth  no  toil  entails, 
Feeble  in  arms,  at  coward  arts  will  aim. 


Very  soon  after  we  find  a  worthy  successor  to  the 
energetic  Milo  de  Cogan  in  the  person  of  his  brother 
Richard,*  who  had  been  sent  to  fill  the  place  of  the 
former  by  command  of  the  king  of  the  English,  and 
with  him  there  went  a  body  of  picked  knights. 

When  the  greater  part  of  the  winter  had  passed,  at 
the  end  of  February  [i  183],  a  nephew  of  Fitz-Stephen, 
Philip  de  Barri,  an  upright  and  judicious  man,  sailed 
over  to  Ireland  with  a  strong  force.  He  came  with 
the  twofold  object  of  helping  his  uncle,  and  of  guard- 
ing his  rights  over  01ethan,t  a  territory  granted  to 
him  by  Fitz-Stephen,  but  of  which  he  had  been  wrong- 
fully deprived  by  his  cousin  Ralph.:}: 

There    came,    too,    in    the    same   vessel  another 

*  See  Gerald,  I.  21.  above. 

t  South-east  part  of  the  modern  county  of  Cork. 

X  Mentioned  above  in  this  chapter. 


I08  ADMINISTRATION  OF  DE  LACI.  1177 

nephew  of  Fitz-Stephen,  a  brother  of  Philip,  who  by 
his  advice  gave  great  assistance  to  both  his  uncle  and 
his  brother,  and  besides  was  at  great  pains  to  investi- 
gate the  topography,  the  natural  history,  and  the  race- 
lore  of  the  island.  For  he  was  a  diligent  student  of 
letters,  and  his  name  stands  upon  the  title-page  of  this 
book.* 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Hervey  de  Montmaurice 
retired  from  the  world  and  became  a  monk  in  the 
famous  monastery  of  the  Holy  Trinity  at  Canterbury. 
He  had  previously  endowed  that  house  with  the 
churches  on  his  lands  along  the  coast  between  Water- 
ford  and  Wexford.  Would  that  with  the  cowl  he  had 
assumed  a  Christian  spirit !  Would  that  with  his 
military  career  he  had  laid  aside  his  malice ! 


A.D.  1177. — How  peace  and  order  were  established 
in  the  realm  of  Ireland  by  Hugh  de  Ijaci. 

Girald,  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  Ii.  cap.  xxi. 

To  return,  however :  while  these  things  were  going 
on  in  Desmond,  Hugh  de  Laci,  who  was  a  man  of 
great  activity,  integrity  and  discretion,  had  secured 
Leinster  and  Meath  by  building  castles  in  situations 
well  chosen  for  commanding  the  country.  Among 
others  he  erected  in  a  position  naturally  strong  the 
castle  of  Leighlin  overlooking  the  noble  river  Barrow, 
on  the  Ossory  side  of  the  stream,  in  Odrone.f     This 

♦  Giraldus  Cambrensis  himself. 

t  Odrone  or  Idrone  was  a  district  in  the  modem  county  of 
Carlow. 


1 177  ADMINISTRATION  OF  DE  LA  CI.  I09 

border  post  had  been  held  by  Robert  le  Poer,  but  he 
was  withdrawn  by  the  king's  command. 

A  pretty  pair  of  lords  marchers  these  fellows  Robert 
le  Poer  \ie  Fauvre]  and  Fitz-Aldelm  were  to  be  sent 
to  a  land  which  wanted  men  of  dignity  and  valour  to 
defend  it ! 

So  doth  a  freak  of  fate,  amazing  all, 

Some  low-born  carl  to  giddy  greatness  haul.* 

They  were  warriors — 

Who  loved  to  loll  in  lady's  bower, 
And  to  twang  the  guitar  by  the  lazy  hour ; 
But  shrank  from  the  notion  of  war's  alarms. 
From  the  shield  that  would  tire  their  delicate  arms  ; 
Then  the  terrible  lance  !     And  their  tears  would  gush 
At  the  thought  how  a  helmet  their  curls  would  crush ; 
Such  were  the  bold  lords  marchers  whom  the  king  had  placed 
in  power. 

Indeed  it  is  a  wonder  that  so  magnificent  and 
vigorous  a  prince  should,  simply  for  personal  reasons, 
have  appointed  to  the  wardenships  of  far-distant 
borders  men  so  unlike  himself,  mere  degraded  and 
spiritless  parasites  of  his  court. 

But  Hugh  de  Laci,  who  was  none  of  this  sort,  made 
it  his  first  care  to  peacefully  reinstate  the  natives  who 
after  having  submitted  to  the  above-mentioned  knaves, 
had  been  violently  ejected  by  them  from  their  terri- 
tory. To  these  he  restored  the  pastures  which  had 
been  lying  deserted  by  their  herds,  and  the  fields 
which  had  been  robbed  of  their  cultivators.  Having 
by  his  clemency  and  strict  adherence  to  agreements 
♦  Juv.  iii.  39. 


no  GRANT  TO    WILLIAM  PETIT.  1177 

won  the  confidence  and  good-will  of  the  Irish  in  the 
country  parts,  he  next  by  degrees  got  the  townsfolk 
everywhere  under  control,  and  compelled  them  to 
submit  to  his  rule  and  obey  the  laws.  In  this  way  he 
brought  about  that  the  ruin  and  disorganization  caused 
by  his  predecessors  was  reduced  to  order ;  and  where 
others  had  reaped  only  toil  and  trouble,  he  was  the 
first  to  realize  satisfactory  results.  In  fine,  before 
long  he  had  established  such  peace  in  the  land,  had 
so  bountifully  enriched  all  his  adherents  at  the  expense 
of  his  opponents,  so  gained  the  hearts  of  the  natives 
by  his  liberal  treatment  of  them  and  by  his  affability, 
while  he  allied  himself  personally  with  their  chiefs,  as 
to  give  rise  to  a  strong  suspicion  that  he  had  it  in  his 
mind  to  throw  off  his  allegiance  and  seize  for  himself 
the  royal  dignity. 

[Grant  of  land  by  Hugh  de  Laei  to  William  the 
Little.] 

Translated  from  the  vellum  MS.  hi  the  Clarendon  Collection. 

\_Labened]    A   genuine   copy   of  an   ancient  charter 
granted  by  Hugh  de  Laci  to  William  the  Little. 

Hugh  de  Laci  to  all  sons  of  Holy  Mother  Church 
and  to  his  liegemen  and  friends,  French  and  English 
and  Irish,  greeting.  Know  ye  that  I  have  given  and 
granted,  and  by  the  present  charter  confirmed  to 
William  the  Little  and  to  his  heirs  Matherothirnan 
with  all  its  purtenances,  except  the  lake  and  vill  which 
is  called  Dissert  [Dysar/]  and  one  knight's  fee  around 
the  aforesaid  town  which  I  retain  in  my  own  hands. 


1 1 77  DESCRIPTION  OF  DE  LAC  I  1 1 1 

except  also  two  vills,  to  wit,  Rauakonnil  and  Clonra — 
\obliterated\  which  I  have  before  given  to  Adam  de 
Totipon  \sic\^  and  except  half  of  the  wood  which  is 
between  Rauakonnil  and  Killar,  of  which  wood  the 
moiety  that  is  nearest  to  Rauakonnil  I  have  before 
given  to  the  aforesaid  Adam.  [I  grant]  besides  to 
the  aforesaid  William  the  Little  and  to  his  heirs  as  an 
addition  two  lands  which  do  not  belong  to  the  afore- 
said land,  to  wit,  Levelkeil  and  Kleonkelli,  together 
with  the  aforesaid  land  :  to  be  had  and  held  in  fee 
and  in  inheritance  of  me  and  of  my  heirs  freely  and 
undisturbed,  honourably  and  fully,  in  churches  and 
chapels,  in  wood  and  plain,  in  meadows  and  pastures, 
in  ways  and  byways,  in  waters  and  fisheries,  in  ponds 
and  mills  and  hunting  grounds,  with  all  liberties  and 
free  customs  thence  arising  for  the  service  of  one 
knight  [obliterated]  thirty  carucates  *  of  the  aforesaid 
land.  Given  at  Killar.  These  witnesses  :  Robert  de 
Hautvilliers  ;  Gilbert  de  Nugent  j  Robert  de  Bigarz ; 
Simon  de  Bigarz ;  Meiler  Fitz-Henry ;  Thomas  Fitz- 
Alfred  j  Nicholas  de  Dinon ;  John  de  Eustreville; 
William  de  Fuone,  priest;  Nicholas  de  Vico ;  Radulf, 
clerk  j  Philip,  clerk,  f 

A  description  of  Hugh  de  Laei. 

Girald.  Cambr..  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  II.  cap.  xxii. 

If  you  wish  to  know  what  Hugh  de  Laci  was  like, 
picture  to  yourself  a  swarthy  man  with  small,  black, 

*  A  carucate  was  one  hundred  acres. 

t  This  barony  of  Petit  is  in  West  Meath,  and  the  Petits 
became  barons  of  Mullingar. 


112  RECALL   OF  DE  LACI.  1181 

deeply-sunken  eyes,  a  flat  nose,  and  his  right  cheek 
disfigured  down  to  the  chin  by  an  ugly  scar  caused 
by  some  accidental  burn  :  a  man  with  a  short  neck 
and  a  hairy  and  muscular  body,  though  small  and  ill- 
made.  With  all  this,  however,  he  had  considerable 
strength  of  character  and  resolution,  and  for  temper- 
ance was  a  very  Frenchman.  He  was  a  careful  man 
in  his  private  affairs,  and  when  in  office  most  vigilant 
in  the  discharge  of  public  business.  Although  he  had 
had  much  experience  in  military  matters,  still  he  was 
not  fortunate  as  a  general,  and  in  his  campaigns 
frequently  sustained  reverses.  After  the  death  of  his 
wife,  he  fell  into  habits  of  lax  morality.  His  fondness 
for  money  amounted  to  avarice  ;  but  he  was  also 
ambitious  beyond  measure  of  honour  and  renown. 


A.D.  1181. — The  coining  of  John  the  constable  and 
Richard  de  Pec. 

Girald.  Cambr,  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  II.  cap.  xxiii. 

In  this  condition  of  things,  and  when  the  above 
suspicions  were  continually  being  intensified  by  report, 
there  came  into  the  island  about  the  ist  of  May  John, 
Constable  of  Chester,  and  Richard  de  Pec,  who  had 
been  sent  across  by  the  king  of  the  English  to  recall 
Hugh  and  to  take  over  the  government  as  joint  com- 
missioners.*    But  before  Hugh  left  they  all  consulted 

*  Howden  is  silent  about  these  suspicions,  and  gives  as  the 
reason  for  Laci's  recall  that  he  had  married  the  daughter  of  the 
king  of  Connaught  without  Henry's  consent  [which,  however, 
would  in  itself  be  a  suspicious  step],  and  according  to  the  usage 


ii8o      DEATH  OF  ARCHBISHOP  LAURENCE.     1 13 

together  and  built  a  large  number  of  castles  through- 
out Leinster ;  for  till  that  time  there  had  been  plenty 
in  Meath,  but  too  few  in  the  former  province. 
***** 
This  castle-building  was  carried  out  during  the 
summer,  and  in  the  following  winter  John  and  Richard 
were  recalled  to  England,  and  Hugh,  who  had  allayed 
the  royal  suspicions,  returned  again  to  his  charge. 
But  a  certain  clerk,  one  Robert  of  Shrewsbury,  was 
associated  with  him  on  the  king's  behalf,  to  act  as  his 
coadjutor  and  adviser,  and  to  keep  an  eye  on  his 
doings.  Hugh,  on  his  arrival,  set  himself  again  to 
building  more  castles. 


A.D.    1180.— Death    of    Laurence,    archbishop    of 
Dublin,  at  Eu,  and  succession  of  John  Comyn. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  II,  cap.  xxiv. 

Meanwhile  Laurence,  archbishop  of  DubHn,  had 
died  at  Eu,  a  town  of  Normandy,  on  Friday,  November 
14th,*  1 180.     He   was  a  good  and  just   man,  but, 

of  that  country,  which  may  refer  to  the  Irish  custom  of  marriage 
on  trial  for  one  year  from  the  feast  of  Samhain  {Allhallows)  to  the 
feast  of  Samhain.  Cf.  Book  of  Rights,  edited  by  O'Donovan, 
p.  243  ;  Campion,  Historic  of  Ireland,  p.  23 ;  Irish  Nennius, 
pp.  179,  182, 

*  Laurence  O'Toole,  archbishop  of  Dublin,  1162-1180,  was 
canonized,  the  day  of  his  death,  November  14th,  being  his  saint's 
day.  The  chief  points  to  note  concerning  him  in  connection 
with  England  and  the  English  conquest  of  Ireland  are  (i)  His 
mediating  at  Dublin  in  11 70  between  Dermot  and  the  Ostmen, 
probably  because  he  regarded  Dermot  as  lawful  over-king  of  the 

H 


114     DEATH  OF  ARCHBISHOP  LAURENCE.    1180 

through  zeal  for  his  nation,  as  it  is  said,  had  asserted 
when  present  at  the  Lateran  council  certain  eccle- 
siastical privileges  which  are  opposed  to  the  royal 
dignity.  For  this  reason  he  had  fallen  under  the 
king's  displeasure,  and  had  been  detained  ever  since 
either  in  England  or  across  the  sea  in  France.  At 
Eu,  however,  he  found  a  happy  end  to  a  life  which 
exile  had  rendered  burdensome.  In  connection  with 
him,  among  various  miracles  which  God — manifesting 
His  wonders  even  in  our  days — wrought  in  the 
person  of  this  His  saint,  the  following  marvel  that 
occurred  in  those  parts  stands  out  conspicuous  above 
the  rest.  When  this  holy  man  was  seized  at  Abbeville 
with  mortal  sickness,  he  refused  to  listen  to  the  advice 
of  his  attendants  that  he  should  remain  where  he  was, 
for  he  said  that  his  place  was  not  there.  But  passing 
thence  towards  the  town  of  Eu,  as  soon  as  he  caught 
sight  of  the  cathedral  of  St.  Mary,  and  heard  that  it 
was  dedicated  to  the  blessed  Virgin,  he  prophetically 
quoted  the  verse  that  says  "  This  is  my  resting-place 
for  ever  :  Here  will  I  dwell ;  for  I  have  desired  it."  * 

Norse  settlers  in  the  city  ;  for  since  the  battle  of  Clontarf  in 
1014  the  Ostmen  had  admitted  the  supremacy  of  the  Irish 
princes.  (2)  His  joining  the  native  league  of  1 171  under  Roderic 
of  Connaught,  which  besieged  the  earl  in  Dublin.  (3)  His  sub- 
mission to  Henry  in  1171  or  1172  with  the  other  prelates  at  the 
synod  of  Cashel.  The  reasons  for  this  were  probably  a.  Re- 
sistance appeared  hopeless,  b.  There  seemed  a  chance  of  some 
reform  of  public  morality,  c.  There  was  a  prospect  of  the  ad- 
vancement of  the  Church  of  Ireland.  (4)  His  attitude  in  1179 
at  the  Lateran  council,  which  offended  the  English  king,  as 
related  in  this  chapter. 
♦  Ps.  132.  14. 


ii8i        SUCCESSION  OF  ARCHBISHOP  JOHN.      II5 

And  in  that  very  town  within  a  few  days  was  he 
released  from  human  cares,  and  buried  with  due 
solemnities  in  its  cathedral.  Nor  did  the  Lord  suffer 
his  light  to  be  hid,  but  also  proclaimed  him  by  work- 
ing many  potent  signs  and  prodigies  at  his  tomb. 

He  was  succeeded  by  John  Comyn,  an  Englishman 
by  nationality,*  who  through  the  royal  influence  was 
elected  at  Evesham  in  England  by  the  clergy  of 
Dublin  with  sufficient  unanimity  and  concord,  f  By 
the  Roman  pontiff  Lucius  he  was  at  Veletri  ordained 
a  cardinal  priest  X  ^rid  consecrated  an  archbishop. 
He  was  a  learned  and  eloquent  man,  who  by  his  zeal 
in  the  cause  of  justice  and  his  appreciation  of  what 
was  due  to  the  exalted  office  to  which  he  had  been 
raised,  would  have  greatly  improved  the  position  and 
condition  of  the  Irish  Church,  had  not  the  crosier 
been  ever  held  in  check  by  the  sword,  the  priesthood 
by  the  kingly  power,  virtue  by  jealousy.  For  even  as 
the  flesh  is  opposed  to  the  spirit,  so  are  carnal  men 
opposed  to  those  who  are  spiritual ;  so  do  the  servants 
of  Caesar  strive  with  unending  malice  against  the 
soldiers  of  Christ. 

*  His  family  held  lands  in  Scotland. 

t  Hoveden  does  not  mention  any  election  by  the  clergy  of 
Dublin,  and  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  they  could  have  elected 
him  at  Evesham.  Perhaps  Gerald  means  that  a  notification  of 
his  election  was  sent  to  him  there,  or  that  a  deputation  from  the 
Dublin  clergy  met  him  at  that  place  on  his  way  to  Ireland. 

X  There  is  no  other  authority  for  this  statement.  The  pope 
was  Lucius  III.  [1181-5],  who  succeeded  Alexander  III. 


Il6    COMING    OF  THE  KINGS  SON  JOHN     1184-5 

A.D.  1184. — The  sending  of   John,   archbishop   of 
Dublin,  into  Ireland. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  il.  cap.  xxv. 

The  king  of  the  English  now  determined  to  carry 
into  effect  a  design  which  he  had  long  entertained, 
namely  the  transferring  of  the  lordship  of  all  Ireland 
to  his  youngest  son  John,  who,  with  his  father's  assent, 
had  shortly  before  received  the  homage  of  the  people 
of  that  land.  He,  therefore,  about  the  ist  of  August, 
despatched  John,  archbishop  of  Dublin,  as  precursor, 
to  arrange  for  the  coming  of  the  prince.  Forthwith 
Hugh  de  Laci  was  recalled,  and  about  the  ist  of 
September  Philip  of  Worcester,  a  sumptuous  and 
liberal  man  but  a  good  soldier,  was  sent  over  as  pro- 
curator in  his  stead  with  40  men-at-arms.* 

A.D.  1185. — The  coming  into  Ireland  of  John,  the 
king's  son. 

Rob^"*'  de  Monte. 

[John],  whom  men  call  *  Lackland,'  though  he  has 
broad  possessions  of  his  own  and  swarms  of  retainers, 
crossed  over  to  Ireland,  the  grace  of  God  permitting 
him  to  be  king  in  that  country. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  II.  cap.  xxxii. 
When  all   that  was   wanted   for  so   important  an 
expedition  had  by  his  father's  care  been  provided  and 

*  Hugh  de  Laci  disregarded  the  royal  commands  and  re- 
mained in  Ireland  {see  below  sub  anno  1186), 


1 1 85  AN  UNLUCKY  OMEN.  II7 

prepared,  in  the  following  Lent,  John,  the  English 
king's  youngest  son,  on  whom  had  been  conferred 
the  government  of  Ireland,  travelled  along  the  coast- 
road  of  South  Wales  *  and  arrived  at  Pembroke.  He 
was  accompanied  throughout  his  journey  up  to  the  point 
of  embarkation  by  that  eminent  man  Ralph  de  Glan- 
ville,  then  chief  privy  councillor  of  the  king  and 
Justiciar  of  all  England.  On  the  fourth  day  of  Pass- 
over \Wednesday,  April  24/A],  the  wished-for  east 
wind  came,  and  the  prince  went  on  board  the  noble 
fleet  which  was  lying  in  Milford  Haven.  But  as  the 
suitable  breeze  had  sprung  up  sooner  than  was 
expected,  John  had  omitted  to  pay  his  visit  to  the 
venerable  cathedral  of  St.  David.  This  was  an 
unlucky  omen.f 

At  eventide  they  stood  out  to  sea,  and  the  passage 
was  made  by  about  noon  the  next  day,  when  they  put 
in  at  Waterford  and  there  landed,  to  the  number  of 
some  300  men-at-arms  and  many  mounted  retainers 
and  archers. 

Then  were  again  fulfilled  the  prophecies  of  Merlin 
'the  Wild  which  were  applied  above  to  the  prince's 
father.  J     To  these  he  adds  touching  the  son  : — 

Born  of  the  fell  fire-king,  a  sparklet  prince  shall  dart 
His  bolt  of  icy  fear  to  Erin's  quaking  heart. 

Prince  John  thus  landed  in  Ireland  in  the  22nd 
year  of  his  age,  in  the  13th  year  from  the  invasion  of 

*  See  above  Gerald,  Bk.  I.  chaps.  16  and  28. 
t  His  father  had  not  forgotten  in  117 1  to  pay  his  devotions  at 
St.  David's,  and  to  commend  his  Irish  "  crusade"  to  Heaven. 
X  See  above  Gerald,  Bk.  I.  chap.  30. 


Il8  GERALD    COMES    WITH  JOHN.  1185 

his  father,  the  14th  from  that  of  the  earl,  the  15th 
from  that  of  Fitz-Stephen,*  and  in  the  year  1185  from 
the  incarnation  of  our  Lord  :  Lucius  [HI.]  the  suc- 
cessor of  Alexander  III.  being  pope,  Frederic  [L] 
emperor,  and  Philip  [IL]  son  of  Lewis  [VIL]  king  of 
France. 

Several  ecclesiastics  went  over  in  the  same  ship 
with  the  prince,  one  of  whom  had  been  specially  sent 
by  the  king  to  attend  him.  This  man  w^as  a  diligent 
enquirer  into  natural  history,  and  having  spent  in  all 
two  years  in  the  island — reckoning  both  visits  together 
— brought  back  with  him  as  the  worthy  reward  of  his 
labours  the  materials  for  his  Prophetic  History  \  and 
his  Topography. X  Afterwards,  when  in  Brittany,  he 
devoted  such  time  as  he  could  spare  from  his  duties 
at  court  to  carefully  digesting  and  arranging  these 
notes.  This  took  five  years,  three  of  which  were 
occupied  in  the  composition  of  the  Topography^  two 
were  given  to  the  Prophetic  History :  works  which 
though  they  are  looked  at  askance  by  men  to-day,  will 
assuredly  be  read  by  posterity ;  though  carped  at  by 
the  former,  will  afford  pleasure  to  the  latter ;  regarded 
with  despite  as  they  are  now,  will  be  valued  in  the 
ages  yet  to  come. 

*  The  figures  are  not  correct.  John  was  in  his  nineteenth 
year,  and  the  succeeding  numbers  should  be  fourteen,  fifteen, 
and  sixteen  respectively. 

t  The  "  Expugnatio  Hibernica"  is  often  called  by  Gerald 
"  Vaticinalis  Historia." 

X  The  "  Topographia  Hibernica." 


1 1 85  JOHN'S  CHARTERS.  II9 

A.D.  1185. — Prince  John's  Dublin  charter. 

Archives  of  Dublin. 

John,  son  of  the  lord  king  of  England,  and  lord  of 
Ireland,  to  his  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots,  earls, 
barons,  justices,  constables,  officers,  and  all  his  baihffs 
and  liegemen,  French,  English,  and  Irish  greeting : 

Know  ye  that  I  have  conceded  and  by  my  present 
charter  confirmed  to  my  men  of  Bristol  the  grant 
which  the  lord  king  of  England,  my  father,  made  to 
them  :  to  wit  my  city  of  Dublin  to  dwell  in. 

Wherefore  I  will,  and  steadfastly  enjoin,  that  they 
have  and  hold  it  of  me  and  of  my  heirs,  well  and 
in  peace,  freely  and  undisturbed,  entirely  and  fully 
and  honourably,  with  all  liberties  and  free  customs 
which  the  men  of  Bristol  have  in  Bristol  and  throughout 
all  the  land  of  the  lord  king  of  England,  my  father,  as 
his  charter  witnesseth. 

Witnesses :  Hugh  de  Laci,  constable ;  Bertram  de 
Verdun,  my  seneschal ;  Gilbert  Pipard  ;  William  de 
Wennecy,  steward ;  Alard,  my  chamberlain  ;  Adam  de 
Hereford  ;  Philip  de  Worcester ;  Robert  de  Mortemer. 
At  Kildare. 

A.D.  1185. — "John  grants  to  the  canons  of  St. 
Thomas  of  Dublin  the  tenth  of  ale  which  he 
has  by  usage  from  the  taverns  of  Dublin  and 
also  his  custom  of  ale  and  metheglin"  \mead- 
Uquor\. 

Archives  of  Dublin. 
I.  John,  son  of  the  lord  king  of  England,  and  lord 
of  Ireland,  to  his  bailiffs  of  Ireland  greeting  : 


120       GRANT  OF  ALE  AND  METHEGLIN.        1185 

Know  ye  that  I  have  given  unto  God  and  the 
canons  of  St,  Thomas  of  DubUn  the  tenth  of  ale  which 
I  have  by  usage  from  the  taverns  of  DubUn  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  same  canons,  and  therefore  stead- 
fastly enjoin  that  they  have  and  hold  it  well  and  in 
peace. 

Witness :  brother  Richard,  my  almoner.*  At 
Windsor. 

II.  John,  son  of  the  king  of  England,  and  lord  of 
Ireland,  to  his  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots,  earls, 
barons,  justices,  constables,  and  all  his  bailiffs 
throughout  Ireland  greeting : 

Know  ye  that  I,  for  the  salvation  of  my  soul  and 
the  souls  of  my  ancestors,  have  given  and  granted 
and  by  this  my  present  charter  confirmed  to  God  and 
to  the  church  of  St.  Thomas  at  Dubhn,  and  to  the 
canons  serving  the  same  house,  in  free  and  perpetual 
alms  f  for  ever  the  customs  of  ale  and  mead  which  I 
have  been  accustomed  to  have  in  the  taverns  of 
Dublin. 

Wherefore  I  will  and  steadfastly  enjoin  that  the 
aforesaid  church  and  the  aforesaid  canons  have  and 
hold  the  aforesaid  custom  from  the  aforesaid  taverns, 
well  and  in  peace,  freely  and  undisturbed,  entirely 
and  fully  and  honourably,  with  all  the  purtenances 
thereof,  as  ever  I  fullest  held  the  same. 

Witnesses  :  John  Marshal  ;  William  Marshal ; 
Bertram  de  Verdun;  Gilbert  Pipard;  Galfrid  de 
Constentin ;  Roger  de  Ilanes  ;  and  Alexander  Arsic ' 

*  A  Templar.  t  Frankalmoigne. 


Ii85  ILL  GOVERNMENT  OF  JOHN.  121 

A.D.  1185. — [Irish  account  of  the  administration  of 
prince  John.] 

Annals  of  the  Four  Masters:  1 185  ;  O* Donovan^ s 
Translation  from  the  Irish. 

"  The  son  of  the  king  of  England,  that  is,  John,  the 
son  of  Henry  II.,  came  to  Ireland  with  a  fleet  of  60 
ships,  to  .assume  the  government  of  the  kingdom. 
He  took  possession  of  Dublin  and  Leinster,  and 
erected  castles  at  Tipraid  Fachtna  \in  S.  W.  Kilkenny] 
and  Ardfinan  \in  Tipperary\  out  of  which  he  plundered 
Munster;  but  his  people  were  defeated  with  great 
slaughter  by  Donnell  O'Brien  \_king  of  Thomond]. 
The  son  of  the  king  of  England  then  returned  to 
England  *  to  complain  to  his  father  of  Hugh  de  Laci, 
who  was  the  king  of  England's  deputy  in  Ireland  on 
his  {John's)  arrival,  and  who  had  prevented  the  Irish 
kings  from  sending  him  {John)  either  tribute  or 
hostages." 

A.D.  1185. — [The  ill  government  of  prince  John.] 

Benedict.  Abb  at.  Gest.  reg.  Hen.  II. :  1185. 

But  prince  John  himself  met  with  scant  success ; 
partly  because  of  the  defection  of  those  natives  who 
ought  to  have  held  loyally  to  him,  but  especially 
because  he  would  not  pay  his  hired  knights  and 
soldiers.  In  the  repeated  conflicts  which  occurred 
between  his  followers  and  the  Irishry,  the  royal  army 

*  As  prince  John  was  superseded  by  John  de  Courci  in 
September  1185,  his  rule  in  Ireland  lasted  only  five  months,  and 
he  returned  to  England  in  the  following  December. 


122  A  DEFENCE  OF  THE  INVASION.  1185 

fell  almost  entirely  to  pieces.  For  most  of  the  cavalry 
and  footmen  who  had  come  over  with  him  deserted, 
and  arrayed  themselves  on  the  side  of  the  natives 
against  him.  And  so  it  happened  that  the  aforesaid 
John,  the  king's  son,  owing  to  his  greed,  found  him- 
self without  support  and  had  to  leave  Ireland  and 
return  to  England. 


Of  the  credit  due  to  Fitz-Stephen,  the  earl,  and  the 
king,  and  how  far  they  may  be  acquitted  of 
certain  charges. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  II.  cap.  xxxiii. 

We  have  seen  that  Fitz-Stephen  led  the  way  and 
opened  a  path  for  the  earl,  the  earl  for  the  king,  the 
king  for  his  son  John.  Much  credit,  therefore,  is  due 
to  him  who  had  the  enterprise  and  the  hardihood 
to  set  the  first  precedent.  Much,  too,  to  him  who  as 
it  were  formed  the  connecting  link,  and  lent  an 
additional  impulse  to  the  undertaking  so  gallantly 
begun.  Yet  far  more  praise  still  must  we  yield  to 
him  who  added  the  weight  of  his  great  authority  in 
order  to  complete  and  consummate  the  conquest. 

Here  I  must  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  Fitz- 
Stephen  and  the  earl,  both  of  whom  aided  in  the  just 
restoration  of  Dermot,  the  one  on  terms  of  vassalage, 
the  other  as  being  allied  to  him  by  marriage  with  his 
daughter,  founded  their  position  on  his  grants,  and 
therefore  are  clearly  not  mere  freebooters  so  far  as 
Leinster  is  concerned.  As  for  the  case  of  Waterford, 
however,  and  those   parts  of  Desmond  and   Meath 


Ii85    UOW  THE  CONQUEST  WAS  HINDERED.  1 23 

which  the  earl  seized  in  so  high-handed  a  manner, 
I  have  no  excuse  to  offer.  Now  the  lordship  over 
the  fifth  part  of  the  island,  which  was  unquestionably 
the  earl's  in  right  of  his  wife,  he  transferred  in  full  to 
the  king  of  the  English  ]  while  the  rest  of  the  Irish 
princes  by  spontaneously  and  without  delay  offering 
themselves  as  vassals  to  the  king,  gave  the  latter  an 
indubitable  supremacy  over  the  whole  of  Ireland. 
Wherefore,  to  say  nothing  of  the  arguments,  new  or 
old,  which  have  been  previously  adduced  in  support 
of  this  claim,  from  the  above  considerations  alone  it 
is  absolutely  plain  that  the  English  entered  the  country 
by  no  means  so  unjustly  as  some  ignorant  persons 
imagine.* 

Of  the  lets  and  delays  to  the  full  and  perfect  eon- 
quest  of  Ireland. 

Girald.  Ca?nbr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  II.  cap.  xxxiv. 

Happy  would  this  island  have  been,  long  since 
would  it  have  been  vigorously  and  successfully  sub- 
dued from  end  to  end,  long  since  reduced  without 
difficulty  to  systematic  order  and  kept  well  in  hand 
by  the  building  of  castles  from  sea  to  sea  in  com- 
manding situations  on  every  side,  had  it  not  been  for 
the  royal  edict  which  cut  off  the  supplies  of  the  first 
invaders ;  or  rather,  perhaps  I  should  say  if  domestic 
plots  t  had  not  so  prematurely  recalled  the  king  from 

*  In  the  Annals  of  Loch  Ce,  sub  anno  11 70,  the  adventurers 
are  called  pirates. 

t  The  rebellion  in  11 73  of  the  king's  sons,  abetted  by  the 
queen. 


124   ^OIV  THE  CONQUEST  WAS  HINDERED.   1185 

that  proud  and  noble  expedition  which  he  conducted 
himself  in  person. 

Happy,  too,  if  the  worth  of  the  original  conquerors 
had  been  only  appreciated  as  it  deserved,  and  the 
care  and  conduct  of  the  government  been  committed 
to  the  strong  hands  of  those  brave  and  trusty  men. 

For  the  natives  of  the  land  at  our  first  coming  had 
been  astounded  and  thrown  into  consternation  by  the 
startling  novelty  of  the  event,  and  were  terrified  at 
the  speed  with  which  the  archers  shot  and  at  the 
might  of  the  heavy  men-at-arms.  But  delay — which 
ever  brings  danger  in  its  train — ,  the  protracted, 
dilatory,  and  feeble  character  of  the  conquest,  and 
the  unskilfulness  and  cowardice  of  procurators  and 
governors  who  only  lulled  their  own  side  into  a  false 
security,  all  combined  to  give  them  heart.  Moreover, 
by  gradual  and  careful  training  in  the  use  of  the  bow 
and  other  weapons,  by  learning  caution  and  studying 
the  art  of  ambuscade,  by  the  confidence  gained  from 
frequently  engaging  in  conflict  with  our  troops,  lastly 
taught  by  our  very  successes,  these  Irishmen  whom 
at  first  we  could  rout  with  ease,  became  able  to  offer 
a  stout  resistance. 

Read  the  Book  of  the  Kings,  read  the  Prophets, 
go  through  the  whole  of  the  Old  Testament ;  con- 
sider, too,  the  familiar  examples  of  our  own  times, 
our  own  country ;  never  will  you  find  an  instance  of 
a  nation  being  conquered  except  in  punishment  for 
its  sins.  Either,  then,  the  Irish  race,  which  for  its 
crimes  and  vices  had  deserved  to  be  chastised  by 
foreign   invasion,  had   still   not  yet   so   irretrievably 


Ii85  FOUR  PROPHETS  OF  IRELAND.  12$ 

offended  the  Supreme  Judge  as  to  merit  entire  de- 
struction or  subjection  :  or  the  EngUsh  people  had 
not  yet  by  reason  of  their  virtues  been  deemed  worthy 
of  obtaining  full  power  and  peaceful  mastery  over  the 
nation  that  they  had  partially  vanquished  and  sub- 
dued. Therefore,  neither  having  altogether  forfeited 
or  altogether  earned  the  favour  of  Heaven,  perchance 
it  was  the  Divine  vengeance  which  kept  both  so  long 
in  a  state  of  war,  in  such  a  way  that  the  one  has  never 
yet  quite  reached  the  pinnacle  of  victory,  the  other 
has  never  quite  bowed  the  neck  to  the  yoke  of 
servitude. 

The  Irish  have  four  prophets,  Moling,  Berchan,* 
Patrick,  and  Columba,t  whose  writings  are  in  Irish 
and  still  extant  among  them.  They  speak  of  this 
conquest,  and  all  pronounce  that  it  will  be  terrible, 
entailing  many  battles,  a  long  struggle,  and  much 
bloodshed,  which  will  continue  into  the  times  of  far- 
distant  generations.  Indeed,  they  hardly  allow  that 
complete  victory  will  be  attained  by  the  English,  and 
the  island  be  entirely  subjugated  from  sea  to  sea  and 
planted  with  castles,  before  the  Day  of  Judgment. 
Berchan,  moreover,  avers  that  after  the  English  have 
experienced  reverses   there   and   been  weakened   by 

*  St.  Berchan,  circa  690,  about  contemporary  with  Bede. 
Half  his  life  was  spent  in  Alba  (Scotland),  half  in  Erin.  His 
saint's  day  is  December  4th.  For  St.  Moling  see  above  Expug. 
Hibern.  Lib.  i.  cap.  16.  For  St.  Patrick  see  below  Top. 
Hibern.  Dis.  I.  cap.  28. 

t  St.  Columba,  born  521,  died  597,  the  year  of  the  conversion 
of  Kent      His  saint's  day  is  June  9th. 


1 26  HERA  CLIOS.  1 1 85 

defeat,  from  the  solitary  mountains  of  Patrick*  an 
unknown  king  shall  come,  who  will  storm  a  certain 
castle  in  the  wooded  parts  of  Ophelan,t  and  drive 
almost  all  of  them  out  of  Ireland.  These  same 
prophets,  however,  also  assert  that  England  shall 
always  hold  the  eastern  seaboard  of  the  island. 

A.D.  1185. — The  causes  of  the  untoward  events. 
Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  ii.  cap.  xxxvi. 
I  should  say,  then,  that  the  prime  cause  of  all 
was  that  whereas  the  king  ought  in  response  to  the 
solemn  call  of  the  patriarch  J  to  have  set  out  at  once 
in  his  own  person,  or  might  at  least  with  ready  devo- 
tion and  obedience  to  Christ  have  sent  one  of  the 
princes  in  his  stead,  he  did  nothing  of  the  kind. 
Nay,  at  the  very  time  of  that  sacred  summons,  and 
while  the  holy  legate  was  actually  present  in  his  court, 
he  despatched  this  son  of  his,  with  an  equipment  that 
was  more  costly  than  serviceable,  not  to  the  East  but 

*  Now  Croagh- Patrick  [St.  Patrick's  hill]  in  county  Mayo. 

t  The  northern  half  of  the  modern  county  Kildare. 

X  This  was  Heraclios,  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  who  had  come 
backed  by  a  letter  from  the  pope  [Lucius  iii.]  to  urge  the  English 
king  to  lead  a  crusade  against  the  Saracens,  for  the  Latin 
kingdom  of  Jerusalem  was  then  threatened  by  Saladin.  Henry, 
who  had  little  crusading  zeal,  decided  that  his  duties  at  home 
required  his  presence  and  attention,  and  his  promise  of  a  dona- 
tion was  not  sufficient  to  soothe  the  indignant  patriarch.  During 
his  visit  Heraclios,  who  was  accompanied  by  the  grand  masters 
of  the  Templars  and  the  Knights  Hospitallers  of  St.  John  as 
fellow  envoys,  consecrated  the  Temple  Church  and  also  that  of 
St.  John,  Clerkenwell. 


ii85  FOLLY  OF  JOHN.  12/ 

to  the  West,  not  against  Saracens  but  against  Chris- 
tians, thus  seeking  his  own  advantage  not  that  of  Jesus 
Christ. 

Again,  immediately  on  the  landing  of  the  king's  son 
there  met  him  at  Waterford  the  leading  natives  of 
those  parts,  men  who  had  up  to  that  time  been  loyal 
and  peacefully  inclined  and  who  came  to  welcome 
him  as  their  lord  and  receive  him  with  the  kiss  of 
peace.  But  our  people  who  w^re  new  to  the  land 
and  the  Normans  in  the  royal  train  sneezed  and 
laughed  at  them;  and  not  content  with  this  rudely 
pulled  them  by  their  beards,  which  they  wore  long 
and  bushy  according  to  the  fashion  of  their  country.* 
As  soon,  however,  as  they  made  their  escape  they 
departed  out  of  the  neighbourhood  with  their  families 
and  goods  and  transferred  their  allegiance  some  to 
the  king  of  the  men  of  Limerick,  some  to  the  prince 
of  those  of  Cork,  others  to  Roderic  of  Connaught, 
and  laid  before  them  a  full  account  of  all  they  had 
seen  and  experienced  in  connection  with  the  king's 
son.  They  said  that  the  prince  was  a  mere  boy,  sur- 
rounded by  a  troop  of  stripHngs  like  himself;  that,  as 
might  be  expected  from  his  years,  his  tastes  and  pur- 
suits were  childish,  and  that  judging  from  their  own 
observations  there  was  no  prospect  of  anything  like 
mature  or  stable  counsels,  nor  even  of  tranquillity  for 
Irishmen. 

On  hearing  this  report,  the  three  chief  pillars  of 

*  The  kiss  of  peace  offered  by  these  bearded  chieftains, 
however  well  meant,  was  a  familiarity  which  outraged  Angevin 
notions  of  court  etiquette. 


128        GENERAL  LEAGUE  AGAINST  JOHN       1185 

Ireland  at  that  time,  the  kings  of  Limerick,  Con- 
naught,  and  Cork,  who  were  just  about  to  wait  upon 
the  prince  in  order  to  tender  him  their  allegiance, 
bethought  themselves  that  these  comparatively  petty 
troubles  foreboded  greater  ones  to  come.  For  if 
insults  such  as  this  were  offered  to  trusty  and  peace- 
able subjects,  what  sort  of  treatment  was  to  be  looked 
for  by  those  like  themselves  who  had  proudly  asserted 
their  independence  by  force  of  arms  !  They  therefore 
conferred  together,  and  unanimously  decided  to  resist, 
and  to  defend  with  their  lives  their  ancient  rights  and 
liberties.  The  better  to  carry  this  determination  into 
effect,  a  general  league  was  made,  and  those  became 
friends  again  who  before  had  been  at  feud. 

I  speak  from  my  own  knowledge ;  and  to  the  truth 
of  what  I  say  I  can  bear  witness  from  personal  expe- 
rience. Inasmuch  as  we  insolently  spurned  the  loyal 
advances  made  to  us  by  the  natives  who  met  us  first, 
since  God  at  all  times  shatters  the  proud,  by  our 
conduct  on  that  occasion  we  deterred  not  only  them 
but  all  the  chief  men  of  the  island  from  uniting  with 
us  in  the  ties  of  friendship. 

For  this  people,  like  all  other  barbarous  races, 
although  they  know  not  what  honour  is,  yet  delight 
beyond  measure  to  be  honoured  themselves.  And 
though  to  be  convicted  of  falsehood  stirs  in  them 
neither  fear  nor  shame,  still  by  their  contempt  for  liars 
and  their  respect  for  honest  men,  they  show  that  they 
esteem  in  others  a  virtue  of  which  they  blush  not  to 
find  themselves  entirely  destitute. 

What  evils  can  arise  from  insolence  a  wise  man 


1 1 85  THE  NEW-COMERS,  1 29 

may  see  from  the  case  of  Rehoboam  the  son  of 
Solomon,  and  taught  by  the  example  of  another's 
misfortune,  may  learn  to  shun  what  it  is  expedient  to 
avoid.  For  he,  following  after  the  counsels  of  foolish 
young  men,  answered  his  people  and  said  "  My  little 
finger  is  thicker  than  my  father's  loins,  and  if  he 
chastised  you  with  whips,  I  will  chastise  you  with 
scorpions. "  *  By  this  he  alienated  from  him  the  ten 
tribes  and  they  adhered  to  Jeroboam  ;  so  a  schism 
was  made  in  the  nation,  and  he  lost  them  for  ever. 

In  addition  to  the  above  reasons,  the  lands  of  the 
friendly  Irish,  who  from  the  first  arrival  of  Fitz-Stephen 
and  the  earl  had  faithfully  stood  by  us,  contrary  to 
our  promises  we  took  away  and  gave  to  new-comers 
from  England ;  while  the  ejected  natives  at  once  joined 
our  enemies  and  became  hostile  spies,  guides  for  them 
instead  of  as  formerly  guides  for  us,  all  the  more 
dangerous  from  our  previous  intercourse. 

The  custody,  too,  of  the  castles  and  maritime  towns 
with  their  adjacent  lands,  and  the  control  of  tribute 
therefrom  which  should  have  been  expended  for  the 
public  good  and  to  the  detriment  of  our  adversaries, 
were  entrusted  to  mere  lucre-hunters,  who  skulked 
behind  their  stone  walls,  gave  themselves  up  to 
continual  drunkenness,  and  aimlessly  squandered  and 
wasted  right  and  left  to  the  ruin  of  the  burghers  and 
the  advantage  of  the  foe. 

There  was  this  also  besides  the  other  mischiefs, 
that  directly  the  king's  son  appeared  in  the  land, 
among  a  people  who  were  warlike,  hostile,  rebellious, 
*  I  Kings  xii.  10  and  II. 


130  INCOMPETENCE  OF  THE  NEW-COMERS,   1185 

and  savage,  a  people  in  short  in  no  mood  to  yield 
obedience,  both  the  civil  government  and  the  military 
command  got  into  the  clutches  of  men  who  had  in 
their  composition  more  of  the  thief  than  the  soldier, 
knights  of  the  carpet  rather  than  knights  of  the  field, 
rascals  intent  less  on  attacking  the  enemy  than  on 
looting  the  good  citizens.  Men,  I  say,  and  marchers, 
forsooth,  such  as  Fitz-Aldelm  and  his  like,  under  whom 
both  Wales  and  Ireland — since  he  was  governor  in 
each — had  to  bewail  their  decay.  For  they  were 
fellows  who  neither  kept  faith  with  the  subdued  nor 
struck  the  slightest  fear  into  their  opponents;  strangers 
to  that  noble  sentiment  of  higher  minds  which  prompts 
us  *  To  spare  the  humbled  and  beat  down  the  proud,'  * 
but  rather,  on  the  contrary,  their  way  was  '  leaving 
the  foe  unharmed,  the  vanquished  to  despoil.' 
Whence  it  happens  that  nothing  has  been  done  to 
establish  a  settled  state  of  things  in  the  island,  either 
by  making  incursions  into  the  hostile  districts,  by  the 
erection  of  castles,  or  by  the  opening  up  of  the  forest- 
roads — the  '  ill  ways,'  as  they  are  commonly  called — 
for  the  security  of  passengers  by  felling  and  removing 
the  trees. 

The  bands  of  mercenaries  followed  the  example  set 
by  their  betters,  and  behaved  in  the  same  way  as  their 
masters,  giving  themselves  up  to  wine  and  women  and 
taking  good  care  to  keep  inside  the  towns  on  the  sea- 
board. Thus  the  inland  parts,  which  lay  nearer  to 
the  enemy,  and  are  called  march-lands  (perhaps  Mars' 
lands,  from  Mars,  would  have  been  a  better  name  for 
*  Verg.  ^«,  vi.  853. 


II 85  GENERAL   CONFUSION.  I3I 

them*)  were  left  entirely  deserted  and  unprotected, 
and  the  undefended  villages  and  fortified  posts  situated 
between  the  marches  and  the  coast  were  abandoned 
to  rapine,  slaughter  and  fire.  In  the  growing  insolence 
of  the  new-comers,  the  veteran  soldiers  of  the  early 
leaders  were  slighted  and  regarded  with  scant  favour  \ 
but  they  kept  in  the  background  and  held  their  peace, 
waiting  quietly  to  see  to  what  all  this  extravagance  and 
disorder  would  eventually  lead. 

In  the  mean  time,  however,  the  state  of  the  island 
was  this  : — confusion  and  misery  were  rife  on  every 
side  ;  not  a  road  was  safe ;  from  the  axe  of  the  native 
there  was  no  protection ;  each  day  brought  us  new 
rumours  of  disaster  to  our  people.  Such  was  the 
condition  of  things  in  the  open  country.  It  was  only 
in  the  towns  that  even  the  semblance  of  order  was 
preserved,  and  there  all  care  was  drowned  in  wine, 
and  gold  was  a  full  consolation  for  any  blunders  or 
troubles  outside  the  walls. 

Over  and  above  this,  although  at  such  a  crisis,  with 
the  storm  of  war  impending,  it  was  high  time  for 
military  action,  certainly  no  season  for  legal  actions, 
yet  every  one  was  so  engrossed  in  lawsuits,  that  the  old 
soldiers  t  were  harassed  more  by  their  opponents  within 
the  fortifications  than  by  the  enemy  without. 

Thus  our  power  was  crippled  and  enfeebled  while 
the  boldness  and  aggression  of  the  enemy  increased. 
Things  went   on  in   this  way  until   the   new-comers 

*  This,  of  course,  is  mere  rhetoric ;  but  Gerald  can  never 
pass  by  an  opportunity  for  a  pun  or  a  conceit. 

t  The  veterans  who  had  served  under  the  early  invaders, 


132  A    VISION.  1 185 

owing  to  their  incompetence — to  say  nothing  of  their 
cowardice — in  turn  lost  credit  with  the  king,  who, 
discerning  the  merits  of  the  original  conquerors  and 
the  advantage  they  had  through  their  long  experience 
of  the  island,  entrusted  the  administration  to  John  de 
Courci.*  Under  him  the  realm  at  once  began  to 
rejoice  in  a  tranquillity  which  was  complete  in  propor- 
tion as  he  was  superior  to  his  predecessors  in  courage 
and  warlike  energy.  For  example,  he  lost  no  time  in 
marching  far  inland,  even  into  Cork  and  Connaught, 
and  gave  his  troops  little  opportunity  of  being 
corrupted  by  want  of  employment,  since  he  never 
hesitated  to  risk  his  fortunes  in  the  ever-doubtful 
chances  of  battle,  though  in  so  doing  he  met  not 
always  with  success,  but  sometimes  with  defeat 
Would  that  he  had  been  as  much  of  a  leader  as  a 
soldier,  as  heedful  a  general  as  he  was  a  doughty 
knight. 

Further,  the  greatest  evil  of  all  is  that  on  the  Church 
of  Christ  in  this  new  province  of  ours  we  bestow 
nothing,  and  do  not  even  deem  it  worthy  of  such 
honour  as  simple  gratitude  should  prompt  us  to  con- 
cede ;  nay  more,  we  actually  rob  it  of  its  lands  and 
possessions,  and  strive  to  curtail  or  abolish  its  time- 
hallowed  dignities  and  ancient  privileges. 

One  night  after  I  had  been  pondering  more 
anxiously  than  usual  on  all  that  had  happened, 
especially  on  the  above  wrong  offered  to  our  Saviour, 
and  many  sad  reflections  had  arisen  in  my  mind  there- 
from, as  I  slept  I  saw  a  vision,  perchance  the  shadow 
*  In  September,  1185. 


ii8S  A  BOY- RULER.  1 33 

of  my  former  thoughts.  On  the  morrow  I  hastened 
to  relate  it  to  John,  the  venerable  archbishop  of 
Dubhn,  and  together  we  marvelled  at  it.  For  I  had 
seemed  to  see  the  king's  son  John ;  and  he  was 
marking  out  the  foundations  of  a  church  upon  a  broad 
green  plain.  And  when  he  had  traced  the  outline  on 
the  turf,  as  surveyors  do,  he  went  round  and  com- 
pared it  with  the  lines  of  the  original  draught  to  test 
the  exactness  of  the  measurements.  He  then  found 
that  the  nave  he  had  planned  upon  the  ground  was 
large  enough,  but  that  the  chancel  was  so  small  as  to 
be  wholly  out  of  keeping  with  the  body  of  the  design : 
as  though  he  had  been  minded  to  allot  in  this  island 
abundant  room  to  the  laity,  but  scant  accommodation 
to  the  clergy.  Then,  methought,  I  pleaded  hard, 
though  in  vain,  that  more  space  should  be  given  to 
the  chancel,  more  fitting  proportions  to  the  church, 
when,  excited,  I  suppose,  by  the  contention,  I  sud- 
denly awoke. 

Now  all  these  grave  disorders,  though  due  in  a 
measure  to  both  causes,  still  are  to  be  imputed  to  evil 
counsels  even  more  than  to  the  tender  years  of  the 
king's  son  John.  For  this,  which  had  always  been 
a  rude  and  savage  land,  required  trained  and  ex- 
perienced minds  to  mould  it  into  shape.  To  any 
realm  you  will,  no  matter  though  it  may  long  have 
enjoyed  a  healthy  state,  with  a  child-king  comes  woe ;  * 
how  much  the  more  then  if  an  ignorant  and  untaught 
people  be  committed  to  an  ignorant  and  untaught 
stripling  prince  ! 

*  Eccles.  X.  i6. 


134  THREE  DIVISIONS  OF  INVADERS.        1185 

That,  however,  the  serious  mischiefs  in  the  land 
were  to  be  laid  at  the  door  of  ill  government  in 
particular,  even  the  younger  sort  began  to  tacitly 
admit  and  was  considered  certain  by  the  older  and 
more  discreet  For  some  men  there  were  who  had 
long  held  wide  possessions  in  the  more  fertile  parts, 
either  with  little  foresight  granted  to  them  in  fee,  or 
even  in  many  cases  seized  by  them  with  no  show  of 
legal  right.  And  it  may  be  that  these  at  times,  ob- 
serving how  occupied  the  sovereign  and  his  advisers 
were  with  othep  matters,  had  aspirations  to  the  sole 
dominion  of  the  country  ;  seeing  that,  when  everything 
was  not  just  as  they  wished,  they  appear  to  have  held 
of  light  account  their  allegiance  to  the  king  or  their 
loyalty  to  his  son,  albeit  they  were  bound  to  them  by 
fealty,  oath,  and  homage.  Threefold  though  their 
obligation  thus  was,  they  easily  found  a  means  and 
excuse  for  its  violation. 

A.D.  1185.— Of  the  three  parties  among  the  invaders 
at  this  time. 

Girald.  Catnbr.  Expug.  Hihern.  Lib.  n.  cap.  xxxvii. 

To  sum  up,  our  men  in  Ireland  fell  into  three 
distinct  divisions  :  the  Normans,  the  English,  and  my 
own  countrymen.*  We  of  the  court  came  mostly 
into  contact  with  the  first ;  we  had  few  dealings  with 
the  second,  with  the  last  none.  The  first  could  not 
do  without  their  wine,  to  which  they  had  been 
accustomed  all  their  lives,  and  therefore  utterly 
*  Welshmen,  who  formed  the  bulk  of  the  first  invaders. 


Ii86  ASSASSINATION  OF  DE  LACL  1 35 

declined  to  make  any  stay  in  the  distant  marches  or 
the  castles  which  lay  far  from  the  sea.  They  cared 
only  to  hang  about  the  prince,  and  stuck  closely  to 
his  side,  satisfied  so  long  as  they  kept  near  the 
supplies  and  ran  no  risk  of  scarcity.  Grand  talkers 
and  boasters  these  men,  and  full  of  strange  oaths, 
contemning  with  overweening  pride  all  who  were  not 
of  them;  yet  withal  not  too  proud  to  scramble  for 
wealth  and  land.*  In  short,  they  got  all  the  honour, 
but  when  there  was  any  work  to  be  done  they  were 
not  to  be  found. 

Since  then  the  original  invaders,  through  whose 
enterprise  a  way  had  been  opened  for  us  into  the 
island,  were  treated  with  suspicion  and  neglect,  since 
the  counsels  of  the  prince's  advisers  were  communicated 
exclusively  to  the  new-comers,  confidence  was  reposed 
in  them  alone,  they  only  deemed  worthy  of  considera- 
tion, it  came  about  that  as  the  veterans  held  aloof  and 
lent  no  aid  to  those  who  did  not  appreciate  its  value, 
these  interlopers  met  with  little  success  in  anything 
they  undertook. 

July  25th,  A.D.  1186.— [Assassination  of  Hugh  de 
Laci :  English  account]. 

Wilehn.  Newburg.  Hist.  Rer.  Anglic.  1186, 

Hugh  de  Laci  had  disregarded  the  king's  order  [/// 

1184]  to  return,  and  stayed  in  Ireland.  .  .  .  But  after 

a  while,  as  though  the  jealousy  of  fortune  had  been 

aroused  on  behalf  of  the  king  of  the  English,  Hugh 

*  So,  too,  in  Campion  they  are  "great  quaffers,  lourdens, 
proud  belly-swaines,  fed  with  extortion  and  bribery," 


136  ASSASSINATION  OF  DE  LACL  1186 

became  the  victim  of  treachery,  and  met  his  end  at 
the  hands  of  a  certain  youth,  one  of  the  friendly  Irish 
in  his  employ.  For  it  fell  upon  a  day  that  he  went 
out  of  his  castle  for  a  country  walk,  and  became 
separated  about  a  stone's  throw  from  his  attendants ; 
when  as  he  chanced  to  stoop  to  point  out  something 
or  other  on  the  ground,  the  traitor,  overjoyed  at  find- 
ing the  opportunity  he  had  long  sought,  swung  his  axe 
down  like  lightning  with  all  his  might  upon  his  master's 
neck.  Off  flew  the  head  of  the  great  captain.  The 
attendants  rushed  up  to  avenge  the  deed,  but  in  vain, 
for  the  assassin,  who  was  an  active  young  fellow,  got 
away  under  cover  of  a  neighbouring  wood  and  escaped. 
It  is  said  that  the  king  of  the  English,  who  at  the 
time  was  in  a  remote  part  of  his  dominions,  exhibited 
the  greatest  satisfaction  at  the  news  of  this  event ;  and 
the  affairs  of  Ireland  were  subsequently  administered 
by  him  with  greater  caution.* 


July  25th,  A.D.  1186.— [Assassination  of  Hugh  de 
Laci:  Irish,  account]. 

Amials  of  the  Four  Masters:  n86  ;  O^  Donovan's 
Translation  from  the  Irish. 

"  Hugo  de  Laci,  the  profaner  and  destroyer  of 
many  churches  ;  lord  of  the  English  of  Meath,  Breifny 
and  Uriel ;  he  to  whom  the  tribute  of  Connaught  was 
paid ;   he  who   had   conquered   the   greater   part  of 

•  That  is  the  king  was  careful  in  future  not  to  grant  to  any 
of  his  vassals  in  Ireland  such  extraordinary  powers  as  de  Lad 
had  enjoyed. 


ii86     SOME  RESULTS  OF  THE  CONQUEST,      1 37 

Ireland  for  the  English,  and  of  whose  English  castles 
all  Meath,  from  the  Shannon  to  the  sea,  was  full ; 
after  having  finished  the  castle  of  Durrow  \in  N.  of 
King's  CO.]  set  out  accompanied  by  three  Englishmen 
to  view  it.  One  of  the  men  of  Teffia  [a  district  in  ^^.^I^STl ),!& 
West7neath\  a  youth  named  Gillagan-inathar  O'Meyey,^  '  * 

approached  him  and  drawing  out  an  axe,  which  he^  '  ^^ 

had  kept  concealed,  with  one  blow  of  it  severed  Kfe 
head  from  his  body;  and  both  head  and  trunk  fedl         >  ^-^% 
into  the  ditch  of  the  castle.     This  was  in  revenge'i^f         '  .''.    *^' 
Columbkille.     Gillagan-inathar  fled,  and,  by  his  fleel^. 
ness  of  foot,  made  his  escape  from  the  English  ana  >^  ,^^.  ,>\  'jk 

Irish  to  the  wood  of  Kilclare  \in  King's  co.]."  f\      .  *  %^^^ 

A.D,  1186.— [A  defeat  of  John  de  Courci]. 

A  nnals  of  Boyle :  1 1 86. 
A  victory  was  gained  over  John  de  Courci  at  Tegas,* 
where,  with  others,  16  English  barons  were  slain,  and 
[the  foreigners]  returned  home  in  great  confusion. 
Murchard  Mac  Fergail  and  .  .  .  many  more  fell  [on 
the  Irish  side]. 

[Some  results  of  the  conquest.] 

Gervas.  Tilb. 
Ireland  .  .  .  was  inhabited  in  unbroken  course  by 
Scottish   septs   {clans']   down    to    the    times   of   the 
illustrious  Henry  [II],  king  of  the  English,  your  grand- 

*  Mr.  Hennessy  writes  that  this  is  a  mistake  for  "  Segais," 
the  old  name  of  the  Curlieu  Mountains,  between  Roscommon 
and  Sligo  counties,  and  near  Boyle. 


138      SOME  RESULTS  OF  THE   CONQUEST, 

sire,  most  worshipful  prince.*  He  was  the  first 
monarch  to  drive  from  their  lands  the  loathsome  Irish 
tribes,  and  to  allot  the  conquered  territory  to  EngHsh- 
men  on  feudal  tenure,  though  it  had  not  been  gained 
without  considerable  loss  of  life  to  the  English  and 
Welsh  invaders.  Whence  it  has  come  to  pass  that  a 
country  whose  inhabitants  from  the  remotest  ages 
drew  their  chief  sustenance  from  milk,  neglected  the 
duty  of  fasting  during  Lent,  devoured  flesh  raw,  led 
unclean  lives,  and  contemned  the  obligations  of 
religion,  is  now  strong  in  an  awakened  sense  of  piety 
among  its  people.  And  although  it  has  been  the  last 
corner  of  Christendom  to  take  to  true  godliness,  and 
that  too  under  compulsion,  yet  to-day,  in  comparison 
with  other  nations,  for  strict  adherence  to  holy 
observances  and  intensity  of  devout  fervour  it  holds 
the  first  place.  It  rejoices  in  a  hierarchy  with  settled 
sees,  abounds  in  monasteries  which  are  well  conducted, 
teems  with  flourishing  estates  and  good  entertainment. 

(The  Strongbow  episode  can  now  be  considered  fairly  over, 
though  its  effects  had  lingered  on  for  a  season  after  the  death  of 
the  earl.  From  about  this  time  a  new  phase  of  affairs  may  be 
said  to  begin :  a  phase  marked  by  anarchy  even  more  hopeless 
than  before.  The  "conquest"  had  been  too  fitful  and  too 
feebly  supported  to  be  in  any  sense  complete.  The  invaders 
definitely  split  into  two  parties,  a  state  of  things  which  we  have 
seen  foreshadowed  in  the  disobedience  of  de  Laci  in  1184  and 
in  the  36th  chapter  of  the  Ilnd  Book  of  Gerald's  Expugnatio. 
The  needy  condition  of  the  adventurers  and  of  many  of  the  royal 

♦  The  emperor  Otto  iv,  to  whom  the  work  of  Gervase  of 
Tilbury  is  dedicated. 


HOIV  THE  IRISH  MIGHT  BE  CONQUERED.      1 39 

officers,  the  distance  from  England,  and  the  fact  that  the  English 
kings  were  never  able  to  find  leisure  to  apply  themselves  properly 
to  Irish  matters,  encouraged  most  of  the  English  in  Ireland  to 
set  up  as  independent  chieftains,  and  allowed  them  to  do  so  with 
impunity.  The  population  of  the  island,  amidst  a  turmoil  of 
strife  and  confusion,  finally  settled  down  into  three  divisions : 
but  there  was  no  peace  in  the  land.  There  were  (i)  the  loyal 
inhabitants  of  the  Pale,  which  became  a  string  of  counties 
palatine  along  the  eastern  coast.  They  lived  under  English  law, 
but  were  relatively  few  in  number  ;  (2)  the  Anglo-Irish  rebels  in 
the  open  country:  the  '■^  ipsis  Hibemis  Hiberniores ;"  (3)  the 
*'  mere  Irish,"  the  Kelt-Iberian  natives,  in  the  west  and  the 
mountains,  who  maintained  a  perpetual  guerilla  warfare  with 
everybody,  including  themselves.  Except  the  "five  bloods" 
they  lived  according  to  the  old  Brehon  law. 

So  it  went  on  through  a  long  period  of  neglect,  broken  only 
by  the  futile  attempts  of  Richard  II.  and  some  rough  handling 
by  Henry  VIII.,  till  the  latter  part  of  Elizabeth's  reign  found  a 
sovereign  free  to  attend  to  Ireland. 

It  is  to  be  remarked  that  in  England  the  Teuton  has  absorbed 
the  Kelt,  while  in  Ireland  the  Kelt-Iberian  has  always  to  all  intents 
and  purposes  absorbed  the  Teuton.  The  Danish  and  Norman 
invasions  of  England  were  vigorous  movements  which  benefited 
the  country  in  the  end,  whereas  the  Norwegian  and  Anglo- 
Norman  invasions  of  Ireland  were  comparatively  weak  and  ill- 
sustained  efforts  which  seem  only  to  have  served  to  aggravate 
the  disorder  in  the  island. ) 


How  the  Irish  race  might  be  completely  conquered. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib.  ii.  cap.  xxxviii. 
Just  as  it  is  a  general  principle  to  trust  a  workman  in 
his  own  craft,  so  it  is  a  matter  of  common  sense  that 
in  every  warlike  enterprise  one  should  rely  especially 
on  the  judgment  of  those  who  have  come  into  familiar 
contact   with   the   hostile  country  in   similar   under- 


140         CHARACTER   OF  IRISH  WARFARE. 

takings,  and  are  well  acquainted  with  the  character 
and  customs  of  its  inhabitants.  Such  men,  too,  are 
interested  in  giving  their  assistance  to  weaken  or 
crush  a  people  who  in  the  course  of  a  long  war 
attended  with  many  conflicts  have  come  to  regard 
them  with  deep  and  implacable  hatred  and  hostility. 
And  now  I  am  on  this  subject,  I  may  remark  that  it 
would  have  been  a  fortunate  thing  for  the  Welsh 
marches  and  the  English  settlers  there,  if  the  king 
had  in  his  administration  of  those  parts  adopted  such 
a  policy,  and  checked  the  incursions  of  the  neighbour- 
ing enemy.  The  new-comers  are  doubtless  well-trained 
and  excellent  soldiers  in  their  own  land;  but  a 
campaign  in  France  is  a  very  different  thing  from  a 
campaign  in  Ireland  or  Wales.  In  the  former  case 
it  is  carried  on  in  an  open  country,  in  the  latter  in 
broken  country ;  there  we  have  plains,  here  woods ; 
there  armour  is  held  in  esteem,  here  it  is  reckoned 
cumbersome  and  out  of  place ;  there  victory  is  won 
by  weight,  here  by  activity.  In  France  the  vanquished 
become  prisoners  and  may  be  ransomed,  in  Ireland 
quarter  is  unknown  and  instant  decapitation  their  fate. 
Wherefore,  although  when  armies  in  serried  array 
engage  on  level  ground,  the  ordinary  heavy  and  com- 
plicated panoply,  whether  it  be  wambais  *  or  ring  f 

*  Wadded  or  quilted  linen  armour.  By  the  Assize  of  Arms 
in  1181  Henry  II  ordered  every  burgess  to  provide  himself  with 
lance,  iron  cap,  and  wambais,  or  gambeson  as  it  is  sometimes 
called. 

t  Under  Henry  II  and  Richard  I  the  hauberk  was  made  of 
iron  ring-mail,  as  also  were  the  "chausses,"  or  leg  and  foot 
armour. 


CHARACTER   OF  IRISH    WARFARE.         I41 

armour,  is  a  noble  adornment  as  well  as  a  protection 
to  the  soldier,  yet  when  the  fighting  is  to  be  confined 
to  passes,  woods  and  bogs,  where  footmen  are  more 
serviceable  than  cavalry,  a  light  equipment  is  far 
better.  For  against  an  unarmoured  enemy  whose 
chance  of  victory  rests  solely  on  the  success  of  his  first 
onslaught,*  lightly  armed  soldiers  are  quite  sufficient ; 
as  in  such  a  case  agile  men  fleeing  among  defiles  or 
over  difficult  ground  can  only  be  pursued  and  routed 
by  troops,  with  superior  arms  and  outfit  it  is  true, 
but  at  the  same  time  accoutred  in  such  a  way  as  to 
admit  of  perfect  ease  and  freedom  of  movement.  It 
is  no  wonder,  therefore,  that  our  heavy  men-at-arms, 
with  their  complex  suits  of  mail  and  their  deeply 
curved  saddles,  experience  great  difficulty  in  dis- 
mounting, still  more  in  re-mounting,  and  find  it 
almost  impossible  to  act  with  any  effect  as  foot- 
soldiers,  whenever  the  occasion  requires  it. 

The  fittest  men,  then,  for  any  expedition  in  Ireland 
or  Wales  are  those  born  and  bred  in  the  Welsh 
marches ;  men  practised  in  the  frontier  warfare  of 
that  region.  Brought  up  in  this  kind  of  life,  they  are 
both  venturesome  and  fleet  of  foot.  As  the  exigencies 
of  war  demand,  they  are  in  turn  apt  horsemen  or 
active  infantry.  In  matters  of  food  and  drink  rough 
fare  is  no  hardship  to  them,  and  at  a  push  they  will 
cheerfully  endure  privation.  These  were  the  men 
who  made  the  first  essay  in  Ireland,  and  these  also 
must  be  the  men  to  finally  complete  its  conquest. 

*  Compare  the  tactics  of  the  Highlanders,  even  so  late  as 
"  The  '45,"  and  that  of  the  Zulus  at  the  Cape. 


142     SYSTEMATIC  CASTLE-BUILDING   URGED. 

One  must,  however, — 

Fitly  to  each  its  separate  part  assign  : 
Each  to  its  part  with  jealous  care  confine.* 

For  I  admit  that  against  heavy  and  fully  armoured 
troops,  arrayed  for  fight  in  a  champaign  country  and 
whose  prospects  of  victory  lie  entirely  in  their  personal 
strength  and  the  ponderous  weight  of  their  harness 
and  war-gear,  you  must  oppose  soldiers  of  a  similar 
character.  In  like  manner  a  nimble  light  infantry 
acting  in  rugged  country  must  be  met  by  infantry  as 
mobile  as  itself  and  used  to  that  style  of  warfare. 

In  the  Irish  wars,  moreover,  this,  too,  must  certainly 
not  be  overlooked  :  that  archers  be  always  stationed 
between  each  troop  of  cavalry,  in  order  that  their 
shafts  may  keep  at  a  distance  the  slingers  who, 
alternately  advancing  and  retreating  with  great  speed, 
pelt  with  stones  our  unwieldy  men-at-arms. 

Besides,  this  side  of  the  country  as  far  as  the 
Shannon,  which  river  separates  the  three  eastern 
divisions  of  the  island  from  the  fourth  or  western  part, 
should  be  thickly  sown  with  castles  and  so  strengthened 
and  protected.  The  more  distant  regions,  Connaught 
that  is  and  Munster  beyond  Shannon,  ought  to  be 
kept  under  for  the  present  by  the  exaction  of  an 
annual  tribute.  Limerick,  however,  must  be  excepted, 
as  it  is  indispensable  that  this  city  be  again  taken  and 
held.  It  were  better,  far  better,  at  first  to  set  up  our 
strongholds  by  degrees  in  suitable  places,  and  to  carry 
out  a  coherent  system  of  castle-building,  feeling  the 

*  Hor.  A,  P.  92. 


HO IV  IRELAND  SHOULD  BE   GOVERNED.      1 43 

way,  so  to  speak,  at  every  step,  than  to  erect  large 
numbers  at  wide  intervals  and  without  any  set  plan, 
for  such  have  no  unity  or  centre  and  can  be  of  no 
support  to  each  other  at  critical  times. 


How  Ireland  should  be  governed. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Expug.  Hibern.  Lib,  li.  cap.  xxxix. 

Inasmuch  as  the  loyalty  of  the  Irish  is  precarious 
and  they  are  prone  to  insubordination,  no  less  light  of 
mind  than  light  of  foot,  just  as  care  is  needed  in  con- 
quering them,  so  when  conquered  they  must  be  ruled 
with  a  wise  discretion.  The  management  of  the 
country  ought  to  be  given  to  men  who  are  firm,  strict, 
and  unwavering  of  purpose.  In  times  of  tranquillity, 
when  the  natives  abide  contentedly  by  the  laws  as 
dutiful  subjects,  their  governors  should  win  their  con- 
fidence by  keeping  good  faith  and  treating  them  with 
marked  respect.  But  whenever,  at  the  promptings  of 
their  natural  fickleness,  they  dare  to  break  the  peace, 
immediately  all  appearance  of  mildness  must  be  put 
aside  and  sharp  chastisement  follow  at  once  upon  the 
offence.  When  they  have  settled  down  again  into 
order,  and  condign  satisfaction  has  been  taken  for 
their  misdeeds,  since — 

'Tis  meet  that  time  slay  wrath  :  th'  ungenerous  soul 
Keeps  green  the  memory  of  a  buried  strife, 

SO  long  as  they  continue  in  obedience,  let  their  former 
transgressions  be  forgotten,  let  them  enjoy  the  same 
amount  of  freedom  and  the  same  consideration  as  at 


144      FII^MNESS  AND   CAUTION  NECESSARY, 

first.  By  this  method  their  interest  would  lie  in 
mantaining  an  orderly  habit  of  life  and  seeking  the 
advantages  of  quiet,  while  the  certainty  of  a  speedy 
and  inevitable  punishment  would  act  as  a  deterrent 
from  rash  attempts. 

But  rulers  who  mingle  right  and  wrong ;  who  give 
way  to  law-breakers,  but  oppress  the  loyal;  are  all 
complaisance  to  those  who  threaten  war,  but  prey 
on  those  who  keep  the  peace ;  despoil  the  unwarlike 
but  truckle  to  the  rebellious,  as  we  have  seen  many 
governors  of  Ireland  do :  such  men  by  confounding 
all  things  committed  to  their  charge  are  at  length 
themselves  confounded. 

Besides,  since  ills  foreguarded  against  lose  half  their 
power  of  hurt,  let  the  prudent  procurator  seize  the 
opportunity  in  times  of  calm  to  strengthen  his  position 
and  prepare  against  the  dangers  of  an  always  possible 
war  by  raising  castles  and  clearing  the  forest  roads ; 
for  this  vindictive  race  is  ever  plotting  treason  under 
the  mask  of  friendship.  Wherefore,  too,  since  it  is 
well  to  take  warning  from  the  mishaps  of  others  and 
to  learn  therefrom  what  it  is  profitable  to  eschew — 
for  where  there  is  foreknowledge  the  blow  may  miss 
its  aim — the  instances  of  those  illustrious  men  Milo 
de  Cogan,  Ralph  of  youthful  promise,  Hugh  de  Laci, 
and  Roger  Poer,  show  that  one  is  never  safe  from  the 
Irish  axe.*  For,  as  my  Topography  shows,  in  dealing 
with  this  deceitful  nation,  their  perfidy  is  far  more  to 
be  feared  than  their  prowess,  their  peaceful  professions 
than  their  vapouring  valour,  their  plausible  vows  than 
*  Which,  docked  of  its  head,  is  the  modern  shillelagh. 


TRIBUTE    TO  BE  EXACTED.  1 45 

their  poisonous  venom,  their  spite  than  their  soldier- 
ship, their  treason  than  their  tactics,  their  falsity  as 
friends  than  their  fighting  power  as  foes. 

Also,  as  Evodius  says,  'The  calamities  of  former 
generations  are  a  lesson  to  posterity,  and  past  error  is 
a  warning  for  all  time.'  Since,  then,  in  the  case  of 
this  people  over-watchfulness  can  do  no  harm,  nay, 
the  most  careful  precautions  scarce  suffice,  as  soon  as 
they  have  been  completely  subjected,  a  public  edict 
should,  as  among  the  Sicilians,*  forbid  on  pain  of  the 
severest  penalty  all  bearing  of  arms.  Meanwhile 
during  peace  they  ought  not  to  be  allowed  to  carry  at 
any  time  or  place  that  detestable  instrument  of 
treachery  f  which  by  an  old  but  evil  custom  is  always 
in  their  hands  as  a  staff  might  be. 

To  conclude,  whereas  Ireland  is  on  many  just 
grounds,  the  main  points  of  which  I  have  set  forth 
above, J  portion  of  the  dominions  of  the  kings  of 
Britain ;  and  forasmuch  as  without  the  advantages  of 
commercial  intercourse  with  the  latter  island,  the 
former  cannot  subsist,  it  seems  fitting  that  upon  the 
conquered  land  there  should  be  imposed  a  tribute 
payable  in  gold§  or  the  birds  ||  in  which  it  abounds, 

*  After  the  conquest  of  Sicily  by  the  Normans.  Similar 
complaints  were  made  of  the  treachery  of  the  Sicilians  towards 
their  conquerors. 

t  The  hand-axe.  %  Bk*  li*  chap.  33. 

§  The  demand  for  gold  is  at  first  sight  surprising,  but  there  is 
evidence  that  the  precious  metals,  especially  gold,  were  then 
comparatively  plentiful  in  Ireland.  The  records  show  that  dues, 
rents,  ransoms  and  donations  to  the  church  were  often  paid  in 
sums  of  gold  [reckoned  by  weight]  considerable  for  those  times. 

K 


146  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  IRISH. 

whereby  all  likelihood  of  ill-will  and  discord  may  be 
removed.  And  as  the  ages  roll  on  and  the  line  of  our 
royal  house  is  perpetuated  generation  after  generation, 
let  the  memory  of  this  conquest  be  kept  fresh  by  that 
tribute  being  made  an  annual  one,  as  a  lasting  testi- 
mony to  the  glory  and  greatness  of  the  king  and 
kingdom  of  Great  Britain. 


Of  the  character,  customs,  and  external  appearance 
of  the  Irish. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibem.  Dis.  iii.  cap.  x. 

I  have  thought  it  not  superfluous  to  lay  before  my 
reader  a  brief  description  of  this  people  as  regards 
both  their  persons  and  their  minds  :  that  is  to  say  the 
external  and  the  internal  peculiarities  they  present. 

In  this  country  children  are  not,  as  elsewhere, 
delicately  brought  up  ;  for  everything  over  and  above 
the  homely  and  somewhat  scanty  nourishment  they 
receive  from  their  rude  parents  is  left  to  nature.  They 
are  laid  in  no  cradle,  nor  swathed  in  swaddling 
clothes ;  their  tender  limbs  know  not  the  use  of  the 
warm  bath,  neither  are  they  adjusted  with  the  help  of 
art.  Yet  Nature,  as  if  to  show  what  her  unaided 
power  can  do,  fails  not  to  rear  and  mould  them  through 

Where  it  originally  came  from  is  not  clear ;  whether  from  the 
old  Irish  mines,  or  from  the  ancient  intercourse  with  Spain  and 
the  East,  or  from  commerce  with  the  Ostman  pirates  and 
settlers  :  perhaps  from  all  these  sources  and  others  of  which  we 
know  nothing. 

II  Probably  falcons  for  hawking  are  especially  meant  here. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  IRISH,  '  1 47 

infancy  and  childhood,  until  in  the  fulness  of  time  she 
leads  each  to  man's  estate  conspicuous  for  a  tall  and 
handsome  form,  regular  features,  and  a  fresh  com- 
plexion. 

But  although  adorned  to  the  full  with  such  natural 
gifts  as  these,  still  the  barbarous  fashion  of  their 
garments,  their  shaggy  beards,  and  their  ignorance 
reveal  the  arrant  savage.  For  little  do  they  wear  in 
the  way  of  woollen  clothing,  and  that  little  black 
(which  is  the  colour  of  the  sheep  of  the  country)  and 
of  ungainly  cut  :  their  habit  being  to  apparel  them- 
selves in  small  closely-fitting  hoods  extending  over 
the  shoulders  and  down  to  the  elbow,  generally  made 
of  parti-coloured  scraps  sewn  together.  Under  this 
instead  of  a  coat  they  have  a  gown.  Woollen  trews 
complete  their  attire,  being  breeches  and  hose  in  one, 
usually  dyed  some  tint. 

In  riding  they  use  no  saddles,  high  boots,  or  spurs ; 
but  simply  carry  a  rod  crooked  at  the  end,  with  which 
they  both  urge  on  and  guide  their  horses.  Reins 
indeed  they  have,  yet  they  perform  the  double  duty  of 
bit  and  bridle  :  thus  the  horses,  which  feed  on  nothing 
but  grass,  can  browse  at  any  time. 

They  go  to  battle  without  armour,  which  they 
regard  as  an  encumbrance  :  and  in  fact  think  it  a  sign 
of  valour  and  an  honour  to  fight  without  such  protec- 
tion. Of  weapons  they  use  but  three  kinds  :  short 
spears  and  pairs  of  darts — and  in  this  they  follow  the 
custom  of  the  Basques — ,  while  they  have  learnt  also 
from  the  Norwegians  and  Ostmen  (of  whom  later)  the 
use   of  the    great    battle-axe,    and    excellently    well 


148  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  IRISH. 

wrought  and  tempered  their  axes  are.  They  wield 
them  with  one  hand  only  instead  of  both,  laying  the 
thumb  along  the  upper  side  of  the  haft  and  so  direct- 
ing the  blow.  From  the  stroke  of  one  of  these  neither 
the  cone-shaped  helmet  is  sufficient  to  guard  the  head, 
nor  a  shirt  of  ring-mail  the  body.  Thus  in  our  own 
time  it  happened  that  a  soldier  had  his  thigh  cut  right 
through  with  one  stroke  of  an  axe,  encased  though  it 
was  all  round  in  good  steel,*  the  amputated  leg  falling 
to  the  ground  on  one  side  of  the  horse,  and  its  dying 
owner  on  the  other.  When  arms  fail  they  cast  stones, 
with  which  they  can  inflict  much  damage  on  an 
enemy,  as  they  are  handier  and  readier  at  slinging 
than  any  other  nation. 

Verily  a  wild  and  inhospitable  race  :  living  only  on 
the  produce  of  their  beasts,  and  living  like  beasts 
themselves.  A  race  but  little  advanced  from  the 
primitive  pastoral  life.  For  whereas  the  stages  of 
human  progress  are  from  the  forest  to  the  field,  from 
the  field  to  the  town,  and  so  to  civic  polity,  this 
people  despising  agricultural  labour,  having  little 
taste  for  the  refinements  of  civilization,  and  showing 
a  strong  aversion  from  political  institutions,  knows 
not  how  to  relinquish  the  sylvan  and  bucolic  habits 
to  which  it  has  always  been  accustomed. 

They  put  their  cattle  out  to  graze  anywhere,  for 
there  are  no  enclosures  and  the  pasture  itself  is  not 
uniformly  luxuriant.  Cultivated  ground  is  rarely  seen, 
sown  land  hardly  ever.     This  scarcity  of  tilled  soil  is 

*  This  was,  however,  the  feat  of  a  Norseman,  as  related  on 
p.  42. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  IRISH.  lA,g 

due  to  the  neglect  of  those  who  ought  to  till  it ;  for 
much  of  the  surface  of  the  country  is  naturally  fertile 
and  productive. 

Veins  of  various  kinds  of  metal  abound  in  the  earth, 
but  owing  to  the  same  criminal  indolence  they  are 
not  worked  or  turned  to  account.  Gold,  for  which 
the  natives  thirst  to  an  extent  that  betrays  their 
Iberian  origin,  is  brought  hither  by  the  chapmen  who 
scour  the  seas  in  search  of  commerce. 

Moreover  they  do  not  employ  their  time  in  the 
manufacture  of  linen,  cloth,  or  any  other  ware,  nor  in 
the  development  of  a  single  mechanic  art.  They  are 
simply  the  slaves  of  ease  and  sloth  :  freedom  from 
exertion  they  esteem  the  height  of  luxury,  freedom 
from  restraint  the  summit  of  wealth. 

Wherefore  this  race  is  a  race  of  savages :  I  say  again 
a  race  of  utter  savages.  For  not  merely  are  they 
uncouth  of  garb,  but  they  also  let  their  hair  and 
beards  grow  to  an  outrageous  length,  something  like 
the  new-fangled  fashion  wliich  has  lately  come  in  with 
us.     In  short,  all  their  ways  are  brutish  and  unseemly. 

But  customs  are  formed  by  intercourse,  and  since 
in  these  remote  parts  men  are  so  far  withdrawn  from 
the  rest  of  the  world,  and  come  so  little  into  contact 
with  refined  and  civilized  nations  that  they  might  be 
in  a  different  planet,  small  wonder  if  they  know 
nothing  beyond  the  barbarism  in  which  they  have 
been  born  and  nurtured,  and  which  cleaves  to  them 
like  a  second  nature. 

The  Creator  has  done  His  part  in  giving  them  of 
His  best;  but  where  there  is  any  call  for  effort  on 
their  part  they  are  worthless. 


1 50  SKILL   OF  THE  IRISH  IN  MUSIC. 

Of  the  matchless   skill  of  this  nation  in    instru- 
mental music. 

Girald.  Ca?nbr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  ill.  cap.  xi. 

It  is  only  in  instrumental  music  that  I  find  any 
commendable  diligence  in  this  nation  :  but  in  that  art 
they  incomparably  excel  every  other  people  that  I 
have  met.  For  their  execution  is  not,  like  that  which 
we  hear  in  Britain,  slow  and  laboured,  but  adroit  and 
sprightly,  while  their  tone  is  full  and  the  refrain  of 
their  melodies  sweet  and  gay.  .  .  .  Harmonies  which 
afford  deep  and  inexpressible  mental  delight  to  a 
man  whose  ear  has  been  educated  to  grasp  their 
subtleties  and  to  enter  into  the  mysteries  of  musical 
science,  weary  rather  than  please  one  whose  sense  of 
melody  is  untrained,  who,  as  it  were,  *  seeing  doth  not 
perceive  and  hearing  doth  not  understand.'  To  the 
latter  all  profoundly  modulated  symphonies  cause  a 
feeling  of  irksomeness  and  even  repugnance,  for  they 
seem  to  be  no  better  than  noise  without  order,  method, 
or  meaning. 

It  must  be  remarked,  however,  that  both  Scotland 
and  Wales  strive  emulously  to  rival  Ireland  in  music ; 
the  former  on  account  of  affinity  of  race,  the  latter 
because  of  their  mutual  proximity  and  intercourse. 
Ireland,  indeed,  uses  and  takes  pleasure  in  two  instru- 
ments alone  :  the  lute  and  the  timbrel ;  Scotland  in 
three,  the  lute,  the  timbrel,  and  the  crowd ;  Wales  in 
the  lute,  the  treble  and  bass  pipes,  and  the  crowd. 
The  Irish,  by  the  way,  make  their  strings  not  of 
leather  but  of  brass.      Many,   however,   think  that 


ON  MUSIC.  1 5  I 

Scotland  has  not  only  equalled  her  teacher,  Ireland, 
in  musical  skill,  but  has  even  far  surpassed  her,  and 
now  look  to  the  former  country  as  the  fount  of  the 
harmonic  art. 

Music  with  its  gladsome  strains  not  only  yields 
pleasure,  but,  more  than  this,  is  of  real  service  to  us. 
For  in  no  small  measure  does  it  help  to  cheer  the 
saddened  heart,  brighten  the  clouded  face,  smooth  the 
frowning  brow,  banish  the  crabbed  mien,  and  promote 
in  every  one  hilarity  again.  Of  all  the  most  charming 
things  in  life,  nothing  gives  more  solace  and  enjoy- 
ment to  the  soul  of  man. 

Two  delights  there  are  which  refresh  and  enliven 
the  human  sense  :  sweet  sounds  and  scents.  Indeed 
our  faculties  may  be  said,  as  it  were,  to  feed  on 
fragrance  and  on  harmony. 

No  matter  to  what  subject  the  mind  may  be 
applied,  music  quickens  the  intellect,  and  though  by 
insensible  means  still  with  sensible  results  stimulates 
the  perception.  It  excites  both  the  valour  of  the 
brave,  and  the  pious  aspirations  of  the  devout.  Hence 
it  was  that  the  bishops  and  abbots  and  holy  men  in 
Ireland  were  wont  to  carry  their  lutes  with  them  on 
their  journey ings,  and  found  a  godly  joy  in  song  and 
tune.  Wherefore  St.  Kevin's  harp  is  held  by  the 
natives  in  no  small  reverence  as  a  holy  and  honour- 
able relic  to  this  very  day.  So,  too,  the  bray  of  the 
war-horn  awakes  a  response  in  the  warrior's  breast, 
and  when  its  loud  blast  proclaims  the  signal  for  attack, 
an  answering  impulse  rouses  to  even  greater  daring 
the  spirit  of  the  brave. 


152  ON  MUSIC. 

At  times,  indeed,  music  acts  in  contrary  ways  on 
different  temperaments  or  varies  in  its  effect  according 
to  the  mood  of  the  hearer;  for  it  may  inflame  the 
passions  of  the  vicious  as  well  as  fire  the  prowess  of 
the  valiant  or  the  virtue  of  the  good.  It  is  said  of 
Alexander  of  Macedon  that  once  as  he  sat  at  meat 
with  his  friends,  there  fell  upon  his  ear  the  soft  notes 
of  a  lyre,  when  he  forthwith  rose  and  cut  the  strings. 
On  being  asked  his  reason  for  the  act,  he  replied 
'  Better  that  harp-strings  be  severed  than  heart-strings.' 
For  he  felt — and  in  this  he  took  account  of  the  weak- 
ness of  humanity — that  his  emotions,  struggle  as  he 
might,  would  by  such  dulcet  tones  be  irresistibly  ex- 
cited as  the  festive  moment  suggested  :  that  under  the 
influence  of  melody  he  would  be  drawn  to  weakness 
(to  which  perhaps  he  was  already  inclined)  rather  than 
to  warfare,  luxury  than  labour,  venery  than  virtue, 
sensuality  than  self-control  ;  since  assuredly  our  feel- 
ings are  by  no  means  submissive  to  our  will. 

In  addition  to  this,  music  soothes,  in  sickness  and 
in  fatigue.  Its  sounds,  outside  us  as  they  are,  still 
operate  within,  so  as  to  either  quite  cure  the  malady 
or  at  least  help  us  to  bear  it  with  greater  patience. 
It  is,  therefore,  a  comforter  to  all,  a  physician  to 
many,  since  there  are  no  sufferings  which  it  does 
not  alleviate  and  some  it  cures.  It  was  the  harp  of 
David  that  restrained  the  unclean  spirit  from  vexing 
Saul :  and  ever  while  he  played  the  devil  was  at 
rest,  and  ever  when  he  ceased  the  devil  tare  him 
afresh. 

The  words  of  Solomon,  however,  '  Music  is  out  of 


ON  MUSIC.  153 

place  in  time  of  mourning,"  *  seem  to  be  opposed  to 
what  I  say.  Doubtless  he  who  unasked  introduces 
song  in  the  midst  of  grief,  or  affecting  joy  in  the  very 
moment  of  affliction  bursts  into  exultant  melody,  must 
be  either  a  Stoic  or  a  fool.  But  though  no  strong 
feeling  of  distress  admits  of  consolation  while  still 
fresh  and  perhaps  increasing,  yet  Time  is  the  great 
comforter,  and  under  his  healing  touch  little  by  little 
does  sorrow  lose  its  sting.  The  mourner  whose  sad- 
ness reason  cannot  mitigate  nor  medicine  cure  will 
find  his  dole  unedged,  his  pain  slackened  with  the 
lapse  of  years  :  years  that  bring  an  end  to  every  ill. 
For  human  nature  is  so  constituted  that  the  things  of 
this  life  are  always  on  the  increase  or  the  decrease, 
always  progressing  or  declining :  to  stand  still  is  not 
within  their  power ;  and  or^reaching  a  summit  straight- 
way they  fall  with  a  velocity  far  greater  than  that  with 
which  they  rose.  This  being  so,  if  you  watch  the 
times  and  carefully  guide  your  course  by  circum- 
stances, your  words  and  actions  instead  of  being  out 
of  season  will  be  suited  to  each  occasion. 

Who  but  a  fool  will  chide  a  mother's  tears 
Shed  o'er  the  bier  of  a  well-loved  son  ? 
Not  such  a  time  for  pitiless  rebuke. f 

Therefore — 

Let  the  full  tide  of  grief  flow  unopposed, 
Which  till  it  ebb  admits  not  of  a  cure.f 

Thus  we  see  that  music  has  a  twofold  influence: 

*  Eccles.  xxii.  6, 

t  Adapted  from  Ovid,  Rem,  Am.  127,  128;  119. 


1 54  ON  MUSIC. 

by  its  aid  the  mind  may  be  roused  or  lulled.  Agree- 
ably to  this  the  Irish  and  Spaniards  and  certain  other 
nations  introduce  dirges  amid  their  lamentations  for 
the  dead,  which  may  either  help  them  to  more  in- 
tensely realize  the  bitterness  of  their  loss  when  recent, 
or  perchance  allay  their  anguish  when  the  first  shock 
is  past. 

*  Song,  too,  cheers  us  in  our  daily  tasks ;  oft  does 
a  ditty  refresh  the  dull  routine  of  toil'  *  Times  and 
again  have  we  heard  the  craftsman  lightening  his 
labour  with  some  homely  lay. 

*  The  very  beasts,  to  say  nothing  of  snakes,  and 
birds,  and  seals,  are  allured  by  melody.'  *  And,  what 
is  even  more  marvellous,  music  will  recall  to  their 
hive  a  migrating  swarm  of  bees  and  make  them  settle 
there.  I  have  sometimes  myself,  when  on  a  voyage, 
seen  seals  follow  in  the  wake  of  the  ship  for  a  long 
distance,  and  raise  themselves  bodily  out  of  the  water 
and  prick  up  their  ears  to  listen  to  the  sound  of  a 
trumpet  or  a  harp. 

Moreover,  as  Isidorus  says,  'without  music  no 
education  can  be  complete  :  for  music  and  harmony 
are  all  around  us.  Creation  itself  may  be  said  to  be 
in  one  aspect  a  kind  of  harmony  :  the  heavens  them- 
selves revolve  under  laws  of  harmony.'  * 

***** 

I  have  greatly  enjoyed  this  digression,  nor  do  I 
think  it  was  wholly  uncalled  for. 

*  Isid.  Orig.  iii.  1 6. 


TREACHERY  OF  THE  IRISH.  1 55 

Of  the  villainy  and  foul  duplicity  of  the  Irish. 

Girald.  Catnbr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  III.  cap.  xx. 

The  Irish  are  beyond  all  other  nations  given  to 
treachery :  they  hold  to  their  bond  with  no  one. 
While  expecting  absolute  good  faith  from  others,  their 
own  word,  their  oath,  given  though  it  may  have  been 
under  the  most  solemn  sanctions  of  religion,  they 
daily  violate  without  shame  or  fear.  So  even  when 
you  have  taken  the  greatest  forethought  for  your  pro- 
tection from  danger  or  from  loss  by  receiving  pledges 
and  hostages,  when  you  have  firmly,  as  you  think, 
cemented  the  obligations  of  friendship,  conferred  every 
kindness  in  your  power,  and  apparently  made  all  safe 
with  the  utmost  vigilance,  then  begin  to  fear ;  for  then 
especially  is  their  malice  on  the  watch  for  its  chance, 
since  they  foresee  that,  owing  to  the  very  multitude 
of  your  precautions,  you  will  not  be  on  the  watch 
yourself 

Then  will  they  fly  to  their  foul  arts,  then  to  the 
weapons  of  guile  the  use  of  which  they  know  so  well, 
hoping  in  your  fond  .confidence  to  find  their  oppor- 
tunity of  striking  an  unexpected  blow. 

Of  the  axe,  •which  they  ever  bear  in  their  hands,  as 
though  it  might  be  a  staff 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  III.  cap.  xxi. 

By  an  old,  rather  I  should  say  an  ill  custom,  at  all 
times  they  have  in  their  hands  an  axe  instead  of  a 
staff;  so  as  to  be  always  prepared  to  carry  their  fell 


156  A  BARBAROUS  CUSTOM. 

designs  into  effect.  Wherever  they  go,  this  is  their 
inseparable  companion.  When  they  espy  and  decide 
to  seize  the  looked-for  occasion,  this  weapon  has  not 
to  be  drawn  Hke  a  sword,  stretched  Uke  a  bow,  or 
brought  to  the  charge  like  a  lance  :  no  preparation  is 
needed,  it  has  just  to  be  raised  a  little  and  the  fatal 
blow  can  be  inflicted.  Thus  they  have  always  at 
hand,  nay,  in  hand,  and  ready,  the  means  of  dealing 
death.  From  this  axe  there  is  no  security :  fool- 
happy  you  go  on  in  your  assurance  of  safety  and — 
down  comes  the  stroke.  Permit  the  carrying  of  the 
axe,  and  you  run  heedlessly  into  risk  :  your  blood  be 
on  your  own  head. 

Of  a  strange  and  monstrous  way  of  inaugurating 
a  king. 
Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  III.  cap.  xxv. 

There  are  some  things  which  shame  would  oblige 
me  to  suppress,  were  it  not  that  in  pursuing  my 
subject  I  am  bound  to  relate  them.  For  an  unsavoury 
episode,  though  it  may  afford  an  opportunity  for  the 
play  of  wit,  still  seems  in  some  sort  to  defile  the 
narrator.  Howbeit,  the  severity  of  history  forbids  me 
to  shrink  from  truth  or  spare  my  modesty ;  yet  I 
trust  that  pure  lips  may  tell  a  degrading  fact  in  pass- 
ably decent  words. 

Well,  there  is  in  the  extreme  north  of  Ulster,  that 
is  in  Tyrconnel,  a  certain  tribe  which  is  accustomed 
to  inaugurate  its  kings  with  the  following  most 
barbarous  and  abominable  ceremony.  When  all  the 
inhabitants  of  the  district  have  met  together,  a  white 


HEATHEN  IN  IRELAND.  1 5/ 

mare  is  led  forward  into  the  midst  of  the  assembly. 
The  sovereign-designate  then  enters  the  circle  on  all 
fours,  in  full  view  of  every  one,  and  crawls  up  to  the 
animal :  thus  conducting  himself  not  like  a  prince  but 
like  a  beast  of  the  field,  not  as  a  king  but  a  savage, 
and  by  this  act  of  folly  and  disgrace  confessing  himself 
to  be  no  better  than  a  brute.  Then  the  mare  is 
slaughtered,  cut  up,  and  boiled  on  the  spot,  and  a 
bath  prepared  out  of  the  liquid  for  the  monarch-elect. 
As  he  sits  in  it,  the  flesh  of  the  mare  is  handed  to 
him  :  of  this  he  partakes,  and  the  people  stand  round 
and  join  in  the  repast.  The  gravy,  too,  in  which  he 
is  bathing  he  quaffs,  not  using  a  cup  or  even  his  hands, 
but  lapping  and  sucking  it  up  in  large  draughts  beast- 
fashion  with  his  mouth.  When  these  rites,  or  rather 
wrongs,  are  completed  his  royal  authority  is  thereby 
confirmed.  * 

Of  the  many  unbaptized  in   the  island,  -who  have 
not  yet  arrived  at  the  knowledge  of  the  faith. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  ill.  cap.  xxvi. 
Although  our  religion  was  founded  in  this  land  so 
long  ago,  and  has  prospered  in  it  too,  yet  in  some 

*  It  is  well  to  add  that  Irish  antiquaries  indignantly  deny  the 
truth  of  all  this.  It  may  be  one  of  many  cases  in  which  Gerald's 
credulity  was  imposed  upon  by  his  native  mformants  ;  yet  even 
then  it  is  probable  that  a  reference  to  some  pre-Aryan  pagan 
ceremony  underlies  the  story.  The  fact  of  the  mare  being  used 
may  indicate  a  survival  from  matriarchal  customs.  These  things 
are  ornamented  often  enough  and  highly  enough,  but  they  are 
rarely  inventions  pure  and  simple.  Cf.  Ellon,  Origin  of  English 
History^  for  analogous  British  customs. 


158 


HEATHEN  IN  IRELAND. 


corners  of  the  island  there  are  still  to  be  found 
numbers  of  persons  who  have  never  been  baptized, 
and  whom  through  the  negligence  of  their  pastors  the 
knowledge  of  the  faith  has  never  reached.  For  some 
sailors  have  told  me  that  one  Lent-tide,  being  driven 
by  stress  of  weather  to  the  great  unexplored  seas  off 
the  north  of  Connaught,  they  at  length  took  shelter 
under  the  lee  of  a  small  island ;  and  even  there  their 
anchors  hardly  held  though  they  had  three  cables  out. 
By  the  third  day,  however,  the  wind  had  fallen,  the 
sky  was  fair  again  and  the  sea  calm,  and  they  then 
descried  at  no  great  distance  a  coast,  the  outlines  of 
which  were  entirely  strange  to  them.  Presently  they 
made  out  a  little  coracle  paddling  towards  them  from 


.^^^ 


Modern  Irish  Coracle.    From  Mr.  S.  C.  Hall's  Irelatid. 


the  shore.  It  was  narrow  and  rather  long,  constructed 
of  wicker-work  and  covered  outside  with  hides,  which 
were  sewn  to  the  frame.  In  it  were  two  men,  stark 
naked,  except  that  they  had  on  girdles  of  undressed 


HEATHEN  IN  IRELAND.  1 59 

pelts.  They  resembled  the  Irish  in  having  long 
tawny  hair,  but  theirs  fell  below  their  shoulders  and 
overspread  a  great  part  of  their  bodies.  The  sailors 
on  finding  that  they  spoke  Irish  and  hearing  that  they 
were  of  some  part  of  Connaught  invited  them  on  board, 
when  they  appeared  struck  with  wonder  at  all  they 
beheld,  as  though  everything  were  quite  new  to  them. 
For  they  stated  that  never  before  had  they  seen  a  big 
ship,  or  one  built  of  wood,  or  such  articles  of  work- 
manship as  met  their  eyes  there ;  and  when  bread  and 
cheese  was  offered  them,  they  refused  to  taste  such 
strange  food,  for  so  it  was  to  them.  They  told  how 
they  lived  on  nothing  but  flesh,  and  fish,  and  milk ; 
and  how  they  wore  no  clothes,  save  sometimes  the 
skins  of  beasts  when  the  cold  was  most  intense.  Then 
they  asked  the  shipmen  whether  they  had  meat  for 
them,  and  on  being  admonished  that  it  was  not  lawful 
to  eat  meat  in  Lent,  it  was  clear  that  they  were  utterly 
ignorant  what  Lent  might  be.  Whereupon  they  were 
asked  whether  they  were  Christians  and  had  been 
baptized,  but  they  said  that  they  knew  nothing  of 
Christ,  nor  till  that  hour  had  ever  heard  His  name. 
And  when  they  went  away,  they  took  with  them  a  loaf 
and  a  piece  of  cheese,  that  they  might  astonish  their 
neighbours  by  showing  them  the  victuals  that  the 
strangers  ate. 


l60  THE  IRISH  CLERGY. 

Of  the  clergy  of  Ireland  and  how  they  are  praise- 
worthy in  many  respects. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hihern.  Dis.  III.  cap.  xxvii. 

Let  US  now  turn  to  the  clerical  order.  The  clergy 
of  this  land  are  well  enough  in  point  of  piety,  and 
possess  many  virtues,  among  which  conspicuous  above 
all  is  continence.  They  are  scrupulously  regular  also 
in  the  performance  of  the  psalms,  hours,  lessons,  and 
prayers,  for  they  keep  within  the  precincts  of  their 
foundations  and  devote  themselves  entirely  to  their 
sacred  duties.  In  the  matter  of  abstemiousness  in 
diet  they  are  not  sparing  of  themselves,  for  most  of 
them  as  a  rule  fast  every  day  till  after  compline,  even 
until  dusk.  Ah,  but  would  to  God  that  after  their 
long  abstinence  they  were  themselves  as  sober  as  their 
supper  is  late,  as  genuinely  temperate  as  they  are 
grave  of  talk,  as  free  from  guzzling  as  they  are  from 
guttling,  no  more  topers  in  fact  than  in  face.  Among 
so  many  thousands  you  will  scarcely  find  a  single  one 
who  after  this  perseverance  in  fasting  and  orison  does 
not  make  up  for  the  hardships  of  the  day  by  indulging 
at  night  to  a  most  unseemly  extent  in  wine  and  various 
other  liquors.  So,  as  if  they  divided  the  twenty-four 
hours  into  two  equal  parts,  allotting  the  day-time  to 
the  spirit,  the  night-time  to  the  flesh,  they  give  them- 
selves during  the  hours  of  light  to  the  works  of  light, 
during  the  hours  of  darkness  to  the  works  of  darkness. 


A    WITTY  REPLY.  l6l 

Of  a  sarcastic  retort  of  the  archbishop  of  Cashel. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Dis.  ill.  cap.  xxxii. 

I  once,  in  the  presence  of  Gerard  a  clerk  of  the 
Roman  Church,  then  sent  as  legate  to  Ireland,  raised 
these  and  similar  objections  *  to  Maurice,  archbishop 
of  Cashel,  a  discreet  and  learned  man,  and  threw  the 
blame  of  the  low  standard  of  morality  in  that  land 
especially  upon  the  prelates.  I  drew,  too,  a  very 
strong  argument  from  the  fact  that  no  one  in  that 
kingdom  had  ever  through  his  zeal  for  the  Church  of 
God  won  the  crown  of  martyrdom.  The  archbishop 
answered  by  a  side-thrust,  witty  enough,  though  not 
to  the  point.  '  Very  true,'  he  said,  '  because  although 
our  people  may  seem  rude,  fierce,  and  barbarous,  yet 
they  have  always  paid  great  honour  and  reverence  to 
ecclesiastics,  and  have  never  on  any  occasion  raised 
their  hands  against  God's  holy  saints.  But  now  there 
have  come  into  the  island  men  of  a  nation  that  knows 
how  to  make  martyrs  and  is  accustomed  to  do  it. 
Henceforth  Ireland,  like  other  countries,  will  hfive  its 
martyrs. 't 

*  Concerning  the  attitude  of  the  Irish  bishops,  whom  Gerald 
accuses  of  leading  a  monastic  Hfe  and  neglecting  their  pastoral 
duties.  Most  of  them,  in  fact,  were  elected  from  out  of  the 
monasteries,  not  from  among  the  secular  clergy. 

t  The  archbishop  was  alluding  to  the  recent  murder  of 
Becket. 


1 62  A  MIRACULOUS  LAKE. 

Of  a  great  lake  -whicli  had  a  miraculous  origin. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Dis.  II.  cap.  ix. 

In  Ulster  there  is  a  lake  of  marvellous  size,  being 
30  miles  long  and  15  broad,*  and  out  of  it  flows  a 
most  beautiful  river,  called  the  Bann,  which  empties 
itself  into  the  Northern  ocean.  .  .  .  It  is  said  that  this 
lake  came  into  existence  owing  to  a  dire  and  wondrous 
calamity. 

There  lived  in  a  region  now  covered  by  the 
mere  a  race  of  men  who  had  long  been  sunk  in 
vice.  At  that  time  it  was  a  common  saying  among 
the  country-folk  that  as  soon  as  a  certain  fount  in 
those  parts  should  be  left  uncovered  (for,  from  the 
respect  shown  it  on  account  of  a  savage  superstition, 
it  was  kept  closed  and  sealed),  the  spring  would 
immediately  well  over  and  vomit  forth  a  mighty  stream 
that  would  inundate  the  whole  neighbourhood  and 
sweep  away  its  inhabitants.  Now  it  happened  that 
one  day  a  young  woman  went  to  this  fountain  to  draw 
water,  when  just  as  she  had  filled  her  pitcher,  her 
child,  whom  she  had  left  a  little  way  off,  began  to  cry, 
and  with  a  mother's  anxiety  she  ran  at  once  to  him 
without  staying  to  first  seal  up  the  spring  again, 
"  The  voice  of  the  people  is  the  voice  of  God,"  for 
immediately  after  as  the  woman  was  hurrying  back  to 
finish  fastening  up  the  spring,  she  was  met  by  such  a 
rush  of  water  which  had  burst  out  of  it,  that  not  only 
she  and  her  boy  forthwith,  but  within  the  space  of  an 
hour  all  the  denizens  of  the  valley  with  their  cattle 
*  Lough  Neagh. 


ROUND   TOWERS.  1 63 

and  everything  were  swallowed  up  in  this,  as  it  were, 
partial  or  local  deluge.  And  when  the  wealth  of 
waters  had  fully  hidden  the  whole  face  of  that  region, 
they  ceased  to  pour  forth  and  the  flood  remained 
there  as  a  mighty  lake  \  as  if  the  Author  of  Nature 
judged  the  district  which  had  seen  such  wickedness 
to  be  unfit  for  the  habitation  not  only  of  its  original 
owners,  but  for  mankind  in  general  for  all  time.* 

That  the  tradition  of  this  occurrence  is  true  seems 
to  be  fairly  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  in  calm  weather 
the  fishermen  see  plainly  standing  in  the  depths  of 
the  lake  round  ecclesiastical  towers,  tall  and  slender, 
like  those  they  have  in  Ireland  :  t  and  oftentimes  will 
they  point  these  out  to  the  wondering  stranger  as  they 
ferry  him  across  the  lough. 

*  The  date  assigned  to  this  in  the  Irish  Annals  is  A.D.  62  ; 
the  year  after  the  death  of  Boadicea  in  Britain.  A  similar 
account  is  given  of  the  origin  of  lough  Foyle  and  of  lough 
Erne.  These  traditions  probably  point  to  some  volcanic 
phenomena.  As  late,  indeed,  as  A.D.  1490  we  find  in  the  Four 
Masters  an  entry  to  the  effect  that  lough  Easkey,  in  Sligo,  was 
suddenly  formed  in  like  manner  by  an  "eruption  of  the  earth." 

t  These  are  the  famous  round  towers  of  Ireland  concerning 
the  origin  and  purpose  of  which  there  has  been  so  much  con- 
troversy.    The  reader  will  call  to  mind  Moore's  song  : — 

"  On  Lough  Neagh's  banks  as  the  fisherman  strays, 

"When  the  clear,  cold  eve's  declining, 

*'  He  sees  the  Round  Towers  of  other  days, 

"  In  the  wave  beneath  him  shining." 

Irish  Melodies. 


1 64  THE    GIANTS'   DANCE. 

Of  the  Giants'  Dance,  which  was  taken  over  from 
Ireland  to  Britain. 

Girald,  Canibr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  ii.  cap.  xviii.     * 

In  ancient  times  there  was  in  Ireland  a  remarkable 
pile  of  stones,  known  as  the  Giants'  Dance,*  because 
the  giants  had  brought  them  into  Ireland  from  the 
farthest  limits '  of  Africa,  and  partly  by  mechanical 
contrivances,  partly  by  sheer  strength,  had  set  them  up 
in  a  marvellous  manner  on  the  plain  of  Kildare,  not 
far  from  Naas.  Hence  there  may  be  seen  in  the 
same  spot  to  this  day  some  of  these  stones  exactly 
like  the  rest  [on  Salisbury  Plain]  and  erected  in  a 
similar  fashion. 

It  is  wonderful  how  so  many  stones  of  such  vast 
size  were  got  together  into  one  place  or  raised  into  an 
edifice  when  there.  Whatever  machinery  could  have 
been  used  to  hoist  upon  stones  so  huge  and  high 
lintels  formed  of  others  no  less  in  bulk  ?  The  latter, 
too,  are  poised  in  such  a  way  that  they  seem  to  hang 
in  mid-air,  and  to  be  rather  balanced  in  their  places 
by  the  skilful  disposition  of  the  architect  than  sup- 
ported by  the  tops  of  the  uprights. 

According  to  the  British  History,t  Aurelius  Am- 
brosius,  king  of  the  Britons,  had  these  stones  removed 
from  Ireland  into  Britain  through  the  divine  agency 
of  MerHn  [Ambrosius]  ;  and  in  order  that  some  notable 
memorial  of  so  mighty  an  exploit  might  remain,  they 

*  Stonehenge. 

t  i.e.  the  Historia  Britonum  of  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth  :  viii. 

10-12. 


NO  REPTILES  IN  IRELAND.  1 65 

were  arranged  in  the  same  relative  position  as  they 
had  occupied  when  in  Ireland  on  the  spot  where  the 
flower  of  Britain  fell  under  the  treacherous  knives  of 
the  Saxons,  where  the  too  confiding  British  warriors 
met  their  end  by  the  weapons  of  perfidy  wielded  under 
cover  of  a  pretended  peace.* 


Of  reptiles  and  the  lack  of  them  in  Ireland,  and 
how  no  venomous  creatures  are  found  there. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  i.  cap.  xxviii. 

Among  all  the  various  species  of  reptiles  Ireland  is 
happy  in  possessing  only  those  that  are  harmless,  for 
venomous  creatures  do  not  exist  in  the  island.  There 
are  no  vipers  or  snakes  of  any  kind,  no  toads,  frogs, 
tortoises,  scorpions,  or  dragons.  Spiders,  however, 
are  found,  as  are  leeches  and  lizards,  but  these  are 
entirely  innocuous.  Whence  it  may  be  said,  or  even 
seriously  stated  in  writing,  pleasantly  enough,  and  with 
'truth  as  well,  that  in  Gaul  and  Italy  the  frogs  deafen 
one  with  their  croaking,  that  in  Britain  they  are  mute, 
while  in  Ireland  there  are  none. 

Some  persons,    indeed,    conjecture,    by    what    is 

*  An  incident  in  the  legend  of  the  Jutish  conquest  of  Kent. 
Hengist  had  invited  Vortigern  and  the  British  nobles  to  a  con- 
ference and  feast  at  which  all  the  Britons  except  Vortigern  were 
assassinated.  If  anything  of  the  kind  ever  happened,  the  sacred 
site  of  Stonehenge  might  well  have  been  chosen  as  the  place  of 
meeting.  It  is  noticeable  that  Gerald  regards  the  tradition  of 
the  massacre  as  the  memorial  of  Merlin's  exploit,  not  the  edifice 
as  the  monument  of  the  massacre. 


1 66      AIR    OF  IRELAND  FATAL    TO  REPTILES. 

probably  a  flattering  figment,  that  St.  Patrick  *  and 
other  native  saints  cleared  the  island  of  all  living 
things  that  were  poisonous.  But  history  asserts  with 
greater  probability  that  from  primaeval  times,  and  long 
before  the  first  foundations  of  the  faith  were  laid  in 
Ireland,  that  country,  owing  to  something  being 
wanting  in  the  soil  or  vegetation,  has  always  been 
devoid  of  reptiles  as  it  is  of  certain  other  productions 
of  nature. 

Now  to  my  mind  there  is  nothing  to  be  wondered 
at  in  the  fact  that  this  land  is  naturally  deficient  in 
reptiles,  for  so  also  it  is  in  some  kinds  of  fish,  and 
birds,  and  beasts.  But  it  is  really  astonishing  that  no 
venomous  creature  imported  from  elsewhere  has  ever 
been  able  to  live  here,  and  this  is  so  still.  For  we 
read  in  the  ancient  writings  of  the  saints  of  the 
country  that  on  divers  occasions  for  the  sake  of  the 
experiment  snakes  were  brought  over  in  brazen  pots  ; 
but  as  soon  as  the  ships  had  crossed  the  middle  of  the 
Irish  Sea,  the  animals  were  found  to  be  dead.  Poison, 
too,  in  like  manner,  on  being  shipped  over  lost  its 
venom  in  mid  voyage  under  the  influence  of  a  kindlier 
atmosphere. 

Bede,  moreover,  in  writing  of  Ireland  touches  on 

*  Although  St.  Patrick  is  here  called  a  native  saint,  it  must 
be  remembered  that  it  is  unknown  from  what  country  he 
originally  came,  though  probably  it  was  Gaul.  He  was  first 
brought  to  Ireland  as  a  slave.  His  death  took  place  at  an 
advanced  age  in  493,  and  his  saint's  day  is  March  17th.  He 
thus  flourished  at  the  time  of  the  early  Teutonic  settlements  in 
Britain. 


DUST  OF  IRELAND    FATAL    TO  REPTILES.     iQj 

this  subject  as  follows  *  : — '  In  Ireland  you  will  see 
no  reptile,  no  snake  can  exist  there.  For  often  have 
such  been  conveyed  thither  from  Britain,  nevertheless 
no  sooner  does  the  vessel  near  the  Irish  coast  than 
they  perish,  killed  by  the  scent  of  the  air  blown  from 
the  shore.  Nay,  almost  everything  produced  in  the 
island  contains  an  antidote  to  poison.' 

I  have  heard  sea-going  merchants  state  that  now 
and  again  when  unloading  in  Irish  ports  they  have 
come  across  toads  in  the  holds  of  their  ships^  and  on 
throwing  them  alive  on  to  the  land,  they  at  once 
turned  on  their  backs,  and  in  the  presence  of  a  crowd 
of  wondering  bystanders  burst  their  bellies  and  died. 

Wherefrom  it  seems  proven  that  either  through  the 
beneficence  of  the  saints,  as  is  the  general  belief 
throughout  the  world,  or  from  the  strange  and 
unparalleled  but  truly  favourable  action  of  the  climate, 
or  owing  to  some  occult  peculiarity  in  the  soil  itself 
inimical  to  poisons,  no  venomous  creatures  can  subsist 
here,  and  anything  noxious  from  other  parts  at  once 
loses  its  virulent  properties. 

How  the  dust  of  this  land  is   fatal   to  poisonous 
reptiles. 
Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Ilibern.  Dis.  I.  cap.  xxx. 
To  such  an  extent  indeed  is  this  land  antagonistic 
to  venom,   that  if  gardens   or  any   places   in   other 
countries  are  sprinkled  with  its  dust,  poisonous  reptiles 
are  thereby  expelled  and  will  not  re-enter  them.t 

*  Hist.  EccL  I.  I. 

t  This  belief  survives  among  the  Irish  in  Australia. 


1 68         THE  SHOE-STRINGS  OF  IRELAND. 

Of  the  shoe-latchets  of  Ireland,  which  are  opposed 
to  poisons. 

.  Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  I.  cap.  xxxi. 

The  shoe-ties  as  well  of  this  island,  provided  they 
be  not  of  foreign  manufacture  but  made  at  home  out 
of  the  hides  of  beasts  bred  there,  if  scraped  into  water 
and  so  drunk,  supply  a  sure  remedy  against  the  bites 
of  snakes  and  toads. 

I  have  seen  with  my  own  eyes  a  shoe-string  of  this 
kind  straightened  out  and  then  placed  round  a  toad 
in  a  complete  circle  as  a  practical  test.  When  the 
animal  reached  the  string  and  tried  to  get  over  it  he 
immediately  fell  back  as  if  stunned.  Then  he  tried  the 
opposite  side,  with  the  same  result.  Finally,  on  find- 
ing that  he  was  surrounded  by  the  thong,  he  fled  from 
it  as  though  it  were  pestilential,  quickly  scratched  a 
hole  with  his  feet  in  the  centre  of  the  circle  and 
buried  himself  in  the  mud.  Many  persons  witnessed 
this  besides  myself. 

Nay  more,  according  to  the  assertion  of  Bede, 
almost  everything  which  comes  from  this  island  is 
efficacious  against  poisons.  For  he  avers  that  he  saw 
*  that  in  the  case  of  some  people  who  had  been  stung 
by  snakes,  the  progress  of  the  virus  was  at  once  arrested 
and  all  swelling  reduced  by  drinking  water  with  which 
had  been  mixed  scrapings  of  the  leaves  of  books 
brought  from  Ireland.'  * 

Again,  it  happened  within  our  own  days  in  the 
north  of  England  that  an  adder  crawled  into  the 
*  Hist.  Eccl.  I.  I. 


FINDING    OF  A    FROG.  1 69 

throat  of  a  youth  who  was  sleeping  with  his  mouth 
open,  and  descended  into  his  stomach,  when  the 
ungrateful  reptile  made  an  ill  return  to  the  host  who 
had  thus  furnished  him  with  a  lodging,  by  continually 
gnawing  and  tearing  at  his  vitals.  This  so  affected 
the  young  man  that  in  the  agonies  he  suffered  im- 
mediate dissolution  seemed  preferable  to  a  life  which 
was  but  a  protracted  death.  After  meals  the  snake 
would  allow  him  a  short  respite  from  torture,  but 
before  them  none.  In  vain  did  he  try  at  all  the  holy 
shrines  throughout  England  to  obtain  relief;  at  length 
adopting  a  wiser  counsel  he  crossed  to  Ireland,  where 
directly  he  had  swallowed  the  health-giving  waters  and 
the  food  of  that  country,  his  deadly  enemy  expired, 
and  the  youth  returned  whole  again  with  great  joy  to 
his  native  land. 


Of  a  frog  lately  found  in  Ireland  [circa  A.D.  1179], 
Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  I.  cap.  xxxii. 

Nevertheless  in  our  times  a  frog  was  discovered  in 
a  grassy  mead  near  Waterford,  and  was  taken  alive 
into  the  justice-hall  before  the  then  governor,  Robert 
Poer,  in  the  presence  of  many  other  persons,  both 
English  and  Irish.  The  English  were  considerably 
surprised,  but  the  Irish  inspected  it  with  absolute 
astonishment.  Then  Donnell,  king  of  Ossory,  a  man 
of  sense  for  an  Irishman,  and  faithful  to  us,*  who 
chanced  to  be  present,  smote  himself  upon  the  head 

*  In  1 1 76  we  find  him  marching  in  alliance  with  Reimund  to 
the  relief  of  Limerick. 


I70  ISLE    OF  MAN. 

in  anguish  of  soul,  and  uttered  these  words  :  *■  That 
reptile  is  the  bearer  of  ill  news  to  Ireland.'  He  went 
on  to  say  that  it  was  certainly  a  token  of  the  coming 
of  the  English,  and  of  the  impending  conquest  and 
annexation  of  his  fatherland. 

Now  let  no  one  presume  to  suppose  that  this 
creature  was  ever  born  in  Ireland,  because  not  here, 
as  in  other  lands,  '  does  the  mud  contain  the  spawn 
which  generates  green  frogs.'*  Had  it  been  so,  they 
would  have  been  found  more  often  and  in  greater 
numbers,  both  before  and  after  this.  But  perchance 
some  tiny  germ  had  been  attracted  by  the  heat  of  the 
atmosphere  from  the  mire  into  the  clouds,  and  so 
blown  hither  by  the  wind  ;  or  even  the  embryo  reptile 
itself  might  have  been  drawn  up  into  the  bosom  of 
some  low-sailing  cloudlet,  and  thus  borne  along  till  it 
was  deposited  on  this  alien  and  uncongenial  soil. 
What  is  more  likely,  however,  is  that  the  animal  had 
been  brought  over  in  a  chance  ship  which  had  put  in 
at  a  neighbouring  harbour,  and  on  being  flung  ashore 
had  managed,  since  it  was  not  venomous,  to  keep 
itself  alive  for  a  time. 


Of  the  isle  of  Man,  which  inasmuch  as  it  harbours 
poisonous  reptiles  is  regarded  as  belonging  to 
Britain. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  II.  cap.  xv. 

There   is  an  island,    one   of  the  more  important 
among  the  lesser  isles  [of  Great  Britain],  which  is  now 
♦  Ov.  Met.  XV.  375. 


THE  LAND   OF  THE  LIVING.  I/I 

called  Man,  but  in  times  gone  by  Ewania,  lying 
exactly  in  mid-sea  between  North  Ireland  and  Britain. 
Now  it  was  a  matter  of  much  debate  among  the 
ancients  to  which  of  the  above  two  countries  this 
island  rightly  belonged.  At  length  the  question  was 
settled  in  this  wise.  By  way  of  trial  some  reptiles 
were  taken  over  there,  and  when  it  was  found  that 
they  survived  the  test,  all  agreed  that  it  must  be  part 
of  Britain. 

Of  two  islands,  in  one  of  which  no  one  dies ;  while 
into  the  other  no  living  creature  of  the  female 
sex  can  enter. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  ii.  cap.  iv. 

There  is  in  North  Munster  a  lake  *  which  has  two 
islands,  one  larger  than  the  other.  On  the  former 
stands  a  church,  held  of  great  sanctity  from  times 
remote  :  on  the  latter  a  chapel,  devoutly  served  by 
a  few  celibates  called  Heaven-worshippers  or  God- 
worshippers  \^Culdees\. 

Into  the  greater  isle  no  woman  or  female  living 
thing  ever  enters  but  it  forthwith  dies.  This  has  been 
proved  again  and  again  in  the  case  of  dogs  and  cats 
and  other  animals  of  that  sex,  which  have  frequently 
been  taken  thither  as  an  experiment,  and  have  fallen 
dead  upon  the  spot.  It  is  remarkable  that  of  the 
birds  of  the  country  the  cocks  settle  in  vast  numbers 
upon  the  bushes  of  this  island,  but  the  hens  leave 
.their  mates  there  and  fly  by,  seeming  to  know  the 

*  Lough  Cre,  now  a  bog  near  Roscrea  in  Tipperary. 


1/2  PURGATORY  OF  ST.   PATRICK. 

peculiar  properties  of  the  place  and  avoiding  it  as 
pestilential. 

In  the  lesser  isle  no  decease  has  ever  occurred  and 
no  one  can  die  a  natural  death.  Wherefore  it  is 
known  as  the  Land  of  the  Living.  Yet  at  times 
persons  there  are  sore  troubled  by  deadly  sickness, 
and  are  miserably  afflicted  even  to  the  point  of  dis- 
solution. And  when  all  hope  of  recovery  is  past, 
when  the  sufferers  see  that  there  is  no  prospect  of  the 
slightest  improvement,  when  by  the  increase  of  their 
maladies  they  are  tortured  to  such  a  degree  that  to 
die  outright  is  preferable  to  dragging  on  a  life  of 
death,  they  have  themselves  ferried  over  to  the  greater 
island,  where  as  soon  as  they  touch  land  they  breathe 
their  last. 

Of  an  island   one  part  of  which  is  frequented  by 
good  the  other  by  evil  spirits. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  ll.  cap.  v. 

In  Ulster  there  is  a  lake  *  containing  an  island 
which  is  divided  into  two  parts.  One  side  of  it, 
whereon  stands  a  church  of  approved  holiness,  pre- 
sents to  the  view  a  landscape  of  rare  beauty  ;  and  its 
charm  is  heightened  and  rendered  glorious  beyond 
compare  by  the  visits  of  angels  and  the  presence  of 
the  local  saints,  both  plainly  manifest  to  the  human 
eye. 

The  other  side,  which  is  exceeding  rugged  and 
hideous,  is   reputed   to  have   been   assigned   as   the. 

♦  Lough  Derg,  in  Donegal,  is  meant. 


PURGATORY  OF  ST.   PATRICK.  1 73 

resort  of  demons  only,  and  to  be  the  haunt  where 
throngs  of  evil  spirits  visibly  perform  their  orgies. 
This  portion  of  the  island  has  in  it  nine  pits  ;  and  if 
haply  any  person  may  dare  to  pass  the  night  in  one 
of  these  (which  it  is  well  known  that  now  and  again 
some  reckless  men  have  ventured  on),  he  is  at  once 
seized  by  the  malignant  fiends,  and  throughout  that 
night  tormented  in  such  grievous  sort,  and  racked 
with  so  many  violent  and  indescribable  tortures  by 
fire,  by  water,  and  what  not,  that  when  morning  comes 
hardly  a  spark  of  life  is  found  left  in  his  wretched 
body. 

It  is  said  that  whosoever  has  borne  these  agonies 
in  discharge  of  a  penance,  will  not  be  called  upon  to 
undergo  further  punishments  in  hell,  except  he  go  on 
to  commit  greater  iniquities  than  before. 

This  place  is  called  by  the  inhabitants  The  Pur- 
gatory of  SL  Patrick.  For  that  holy  man  had  to 
convince  an  unbelieving  race  of  the  penalties  which 
awaited  the  condemned  in  the  infernal  regions,  and 
of  the  veritable  and  everlasting  life  reserved  for  the 
elect.  Wherefore,  the  better  to  impress  on  the  minds 
of  these  rude  heathen  by  a  mysterious  faith  a  doctrine 
so  strange  to  them  and  so  opposed  to  their  prejudices, 
his  earnest  prayers  were  rewarded  by  obtaining  a 
striking  and  miraculous  illustration  upon  this  earth 
of  both  states,  which  was  an  invaluable  lesson  to  a 
stiff-necked  people. 


174  ^^    VARIOUS  MARVELS. 

Of  an  island  where  corpses  exposed  to  the  air  do 
not  decay. 

Girald,  Cafnbr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  il.  cap.  vi. 

There  lies  in  the  sea  off  the  western  coast  of  Con- 
naught  a  certain  island  named  Aran,*  and  sanctified, 
so  they  say,  by  St.  Brendan.  There  human  bodies 
are  not  buried,  neither  do  they  become  corrupt ;  but 
are  laid  out  in  the  open  air,  and  remain  fresh.  There 
a  man  may  recognize  and  gaze  with  wondering  eyes 
upon  his  grandsire,  great-grandsire,  great-great-grand- 
sire,  and  a  long  series  of  his  ancestors  extending  far 
back  into  the  past. 

Of  the  wondrous  nature  of  [some]  fountains. 
Girald.  Cajnbr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  II.  cap.  vii. 

In  Munster  is  a  fountain  wherein  if  any  one  bathe 
his  hair  immediately  turns  white.  I  have  seen  a  man 
with  one  side  of  his  beard  which  had  been  washed  in 
its  water  perfectly  white,  while  the  other  had  preserved 
its  natural  dark  colour.  There  is,  on  the  other  hand, 
a  fountain  in  the  further  part  of  Ulster  in  which  who- 
ever dips  will  never  become  gray.  I  may  add  that 
this  spring  is  frequented  by  women  in  large  numbers, 
and  by  men  too,  who  are  wishful  to  avoid  a  hoary 
head. 

*  A  mistake :  the  legend  belongs  not  to  Aran  but  to 
Inisgluair  off  Mullet  in  co.  Mayo. 


THE  POWER   OF  FIRE,  1 75 

Of  a  fish  which  had  three  golden  teeth. 

Girald,  Cambr,  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  11.  cap.  x. 

Not  long  before  the  coming  of  the  English  into  the 
island  there  was  caught  at  Carlingford,  in  Ulster,  a 
fish  of  immense  size  and  of  a  peculiar  kind.  Amongst 
other  remarkable  points  about  it,  it  had  (so  the  story 
goes)  three  golden  teeth,  weighing  together  fifty  ounces. 
I  should  be  inclined  to  suppose,  however,  that  these 
teeth  by  their  yellowish  tinge  bore  some  external 
resemblance  to  gold  rather  than  really  were  of  that 
metal,  and  that  the  colour  they  assumed  was  perhaps 
a  presage  of  the  golden  times  of  the  conquest  so  soon 
to  come.  Moreover,  in  our  days,  a  stag  was  taken 
in  the  forest  of  Durham  in  Greater  Britain  with  every 
tooth  in  its  head  of  a  golden  hue. 


Of  an  island  vsrhich  at  first  floated,  but  was  at 
length  firmly  fixed  by  means  of  fire. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  II.  cap.  xii. 

Among  other  islands  is  one  that  has  lately  appeared 
and  goes  by  the  name  of  The  Phantom  Isle.  It 
originated  as  follows  : — One  calm  day,  in  full  view  of 
the  astonished  islanders,  a  considerable  mass  of  earth 
rose  to  the  surface  of  the  sea  where  no  land  had  ever 
been  seen  before.  Some  of  them  declared  it  was  a 
whale,  or  similar  huge  marine  monster.  Others,  who 
observed  that  it  remained  motionless,  said  :  *  Nay,  but 
it  is  dry  ground.'     In  order,  however,  to  clear  up  their 


1/6  ST.  KEVIN'S  APPLES. 

doubts,  certain  picked  young  men  of  one  of  the  islands 
adjacent  to  the  object  determined  to  row  out  to  it  in 
a  boat.  But  when  they  got  so  near  that  they  were 
just  expecting  to  touch  the  bottom,  the  island  vanished 
from  their  sight  as  though  it  had  sunk  into  the  sea. 
Yet  next  day  there  it  was  again,  and  again  played  the 
youths  the  same  trick.  Finally,  on  the  third  day,  by 
the  advice  of  one  of  the  older  men,  on  drawing  nigh 
they  let  fly  at  it  an  arrow  with  some  ignited  substance 
attached,  in  consequence  of  which  on  landing  they 
found  it  stationary  and  habitable. 

This  is  one  of  many  proofs  that  fire  is  always  the 
greatest  enemy  to  any  kind  of  apparition.  So  it 
happens  that  they  who  have  just  seen  spectres  cannot 
look  at  its  brightness  without  swooning.  For  fire, 
both  by  its  position  [in  the  sky]  and  by  its  nature  is 
the  noblest  of  the  elements,  a  witness,  as  it  were,  of 
the  hidden  mysteries  of  heaven.  The  firmament  is 
fiery,  the  planets  are  fiery  ;  with  fire  did  the  bush 
burn,  and  was  not  burnt ;  in  form  of  fiery  tongues  the 
Holy  Ghost  sat  upon  the  apostles. 


Of  miracles;  and  first  of  the  apples  .  .  .of  St.  Kevin. 

Girald,  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  II.  cap.  xxviii. 

Pass  we  now  to  miracles ;  and  let  us  begin  with 
St.  Kevin,  the  illustrious  confessor  and  abbot.*  Well, 
when  St.  Kevin  had  become  celebrated  for  the  sanctity 

*  He  is  supposed  to  have  lived  from  498  to  618,  dying  on 
June  3rd,  which  is  his  saint's  day. 


ST.   NAN  NAN  AND    THE  FLEAS.  Ijy 

of  his  life  at  Glendalough,  a  youth  of  noble  birth,  one 
of  his  pupils,  happened  to  fall  sick  and  had  a  great 
craving  for  apples.  The  saint  in  his  sympathy  offered 
up  a  prayer  to  the  Lord  for  his  relief,  when  a  willow 
tree  that  grew  near  the  church  bore  the  wished-for 
fruit,  which  proved  most  beneficial  not  only  to  the 
lad  but  also  to  various  ailing  persons  besides.  And 
to  this  very  day  both  that  willow  and  sets  planted  from 
cuttings  of  it  around  the  graveyard  like  an  orchard 
produce  apples  every  year,  though  in  other  respects, 
in  their  leaves  and  branches,  they  retain  the  pecu- 
liarities of  the  willow.  These  apples  are  light 
coloured  and  oblong  in  shape,  and  more  wholesome 
than  palatable.  However,  they  are  held  in  much 
veneration  by  the  natives,  who  call  them  St.  Kevin's 
apples ;  and  many  come  from  far  distant  parts  of 
Ireland  to  fetch  them  as  remedies  for  divers  diseases. 


Of  the  fleas  whicli  were  banished  by  St.  Nannan. 

GircUd.  Cambr.  Top,  Hibern,  Dis.  il.  cap.  xxxi. 

There  is  a  village  in  Connaught,  famed  for  a  church 
dedicated  to  St.  Nannan,  where  during  many  years 
swarms  of  fleas  increased  and  multiplied  to  such  an 
extent  that  the  plague  of  it  drove  away  almost  all  the 
inhabitants  till  every  house  was  fairly  deserted.  At 
length  St.  Nannan  came  to  their  help,  and  the  insects 
were  banished  to  a  neighbouring  meadow.  Nay, 
through  the  merits  of  that  saint,  so  thoroughly  did  the 
Divine  Power  clear  the  place  of  the  pest  that  not 
a  flea  could  ever  after  be  found  there.     But  in  the 

M 


1 78  OF  RELICS. 

meadow  they  continued  to  flourish  and  abound,  in- 
somuch that  neither  man  nor  even  beast  could  ever 
enter  it. 

Of  bells  and  staves  and  other  similar  relics  of  the 
saints. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  III.  cap.  xxxiii. 

I  should  not  omit  to  state  also  that  portable  bells, 
and  the  crooks  of  holy  men  of  former  times,  curved 
at  the  upper  end  and  wrought  with  gold,  silver,  or 
bronze,  are  held  in  deep  reverence  by  both  clergy  and 
laity  in  Ireland  and  Scotland,  as  they  are  in  Wales. 
So  much  so  that  oaths  taken  in  the  name  of  these 
relics  are  adhered  to  with  far  more  fearful  constancy 
than  any  sworn  upon  the  holy  Gospels.  For  by  some 
occult  power  reposed  in  them,  seemingly  from  above, 
and  through  that  thirst  for  vengeance  which  charac- 
terizes the  Irish  saints,  transgressors  of  such  engage- 
ments are  visited  with  the  severest  punishments. 

Of  that  most  potent  relic  known  as  the  staff  of 
Jesus  ;  and  how  a  priest  was  visited  by  a  two- 
fold afaiction. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hiberyt.  Dis.  ill.  cap.  xxxiv. 

Among  all  the  crosiers  of  Ireland  and  wooden  relics 
of  the  godly  generally  that  which  men  call  the  staff  of 
Jesus,  of  wide  fame  and  rare  virtue,  stands  out  pre- 
eminent and  deservedly  holds  the  foremost  place.  It 
was  by  means  of  this,  as  the  common  beHef  goes,  that 
St.  Patrick  ejected  venomous  snakes  from  the  island.. 


A    GRIEVOUS   VISITATION.  179 

The  origin  of  the  sacred  rod  is  as  uncertain  as  its 
miraculous  properties  are  undoubted.  The  removal 
of  the  noble  treasure  from  Armagh  to  Dublin  was 
carried  out  in  our  day  and  by  my  own  countrymen.* 

I  myself  saw,  too,  in  Wales,  which  made  it  all  the 
more  remarkable,  a  poor  Irish  beggar  with  a  bronze- 
bound  horn  slung  round  his  neck  as  a  relic,  and  he 
averred  that  it  had  once  belonged  to  Patrick.  He 
added,  moreover,  that  from  awe  of  that  holy  saint  no 
one  had  ever  dared  to  wind  it.  But  on  his  presenting 
the  instrument  to  the  bystanders  to  be  kissed  after 
the  fashion  of  his  country,  one  Bernard,  a  priest, 
snatched  it  out  of  his  hand,  and  sticking  it  in  the 
corner  of  his  mouth  blew  into  it  and  began  to  sound 
a  blast.  When  immediately,  in  the  sight  of  every 
one,  he  was  struck  with  palsy,  and  his  mouth  was 
twisted  right  up  to  his  ear.  Indeed,  he  was  doubly 
afflicted,  for  while  he  had  previously  been  a  man  of 
fervid  eloquence,  though  spiteful  and  malicious  of 
tongue,  he  was  reft  on  the  spot  of  all  power  of  speech. 
Full  grievously  was  he  smitten  in  this  way,  insomuch 
that  he  never  wholly  recovered,  but  has  stammered 
ever   since.     Besides   this,  he    sank   into  a  kind   of 

*  This  celebrated  crosier  was  encased  in  gold  and  adorned 
with  gems.  By  its  power  St.  Patrick  was  supposed  to  have  been 
protected  against  all  dangers,  and  we  read  of  his  using  it  where- 
Avith  to  chastise  the  idols  of  the  pagan  Irish.  The  removal 
(by  Fitz-Aldelm)  of  the  rehc  to  Dublin  was  probably  for  its  safer 
keeping,  and  it  continued  to  be  preserved  in  Christ  Church 
Cathedral  and  to  be  used  in  the  ratification  of  treaties,  etc.  till 
it  was  publicly  burnt  in  1538  by  a  Protestant  mob  i  but  the 
precious  metal  and  stones  were  removed  first. 


l80  THE  DUBLIN  CRUCIFIX. 

lethargy,  and  lost  his  faculty  of  recollection  to  such 
an  extent  that  he  could  hardly  remember  his  own 
name.  In  fact  his  memory  was  so  affected  that  many 
days  afterwards  I  saw  him  learning  the  psalms  over 
again  as  if  they  were  something  absolutely  fresh, 
although  before  his  visitation  he  had  known  them 
perfectly  by  heart ;  and  I  marvelled  to  hear  him,  an 
old  gray-headed  man,  stumbling  over  the  first  elements 
of  learning,  him  whose  erudition  had  been  so  wide. 

At  length  he  left  home  and  went  to  Ireland  to 
appeal  to  St.  Patrick  to  heal  his  imbecility,  and  so 
was  restored  to  somewhat  better  health,  though  never 
to  what  he  had  been  at  first. 


Of  the  crucifix  at  Dublin  which   spoke   and  bore 
witness  to  the  truth. 

Girald.  Catubr.  Top.  Dis.  ii.  cap.  xliv. 

...  At  Dublin,  in  the  church  of  the  Holy  Trinity, 
there  is  a  certain  cross,  bearing  the  figure  of  the 
crucified  Saviour,  which  is  possessed  of  wondrous 
efficacy.  Not  many  years  before  the  coming  of  the 
English,  that  is  to  say  in  the  days  of  the  [supremacy 
of  the]  Ostmen  [in  that  city],  the  effigy  on  this  cross 
opened  its  sacred  mouth  and  spoke.  For  it  had 
happened  that  one  of  the  citizens  had  invoked  it  as 
the  sole  witness  and  guarantee,  as  it  were,  of  a  con- 
tract. In  course  of  time,  however,  he  with  whom 
he  had  entered  into  the  agreement,  broke  the  com- 
pact and  persistently  repudiated  the  loan,  which  had 
been  granted  on  his  personal  security  only.     Their 


ST.   COLMAN'S   TEAL.  l8l 

fellow-townsmen,  therefore,  proposed,  ironically  rathei 
than  in  earnest,  to  lay  the  matter  before  the  crucifix. 
Many  persons  assembled  in  the  church  to  see  the 
result,  when,  in  the  hearing  of  all,  the  figure,  on  being 
called  upon,  bore  verbal  witness  to  the  truth.* 


Of  St.  Colman's  teal,  -which  are  tame  and  cannot  be 
harmed. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  ii.  cap.  xxix. 

There  is  in  Leinster  a  mere  of  no  great  size  where 
dwell  the  birds  of  St.  Colman  :  t  that  is  small  ducks, 
such  as  are  commonly  called  teal.  These  since  the 
time  of  the  saint  have  been  so  tame  that  they  will 
eat  out  of  one's  hand,  and  do  not  fear  the  approach 
of  man.  They  are,  too,  always  thirteen  in  number, 
as  though  forming  a  complete  society.  J  If  ever  an 
injury  is  offered  to  the  [neighbouring]  church  or  clergy, 
or  to  them,  or  they  are  molested  in  any  way,  they 
immediately  fly  off  and  betake  themselves  to  a  far 
distant  lake  ;  and  will  not  return  to  their  home  until 
condign  punishment  has  overtaken  the  offender. 
Meanwhile,  during  their  absence,  the  waters  of  their 
pool,  which  before  were  exquisitely  pure  and   clear, 

*  This  is  the  same  crucifix  as  that  mentioned  in  Book  I. 
chap,  i"]  o{  i\iQ  Exptignatio. 

t  Sometime  bishop  of  Lindisfarne,  and  afterwards  founder 
of  the  monasteiy  of  Inisbofinne  in  Connamara.  Died  674,  on 
August  8th,  which  is  his  day. 

X  The  prior  and  his  twelve  monks,  or  the  prioress  and  her 
twelve  nuns,  the  original  nucleus  of  a  religious  society. 


182  ST.   COLMAN'S  TEAL. 

become  foul  and  fetid  and  fit  to  be  used  by  neither 
men  nor  cattle. 

At  times  it  has  occurred  that  some  one  fetching 
water  thence  at  night  has,  not  intentionally  but 
accidentally,  drawn  up  one  of  the  little  creatures  in 
his  bucket,  and  after  his  supper  has  been  on  the 
fire  a  long  time  without  properly  cooking,  at  last 
the  bird  has  been  found  swimming  about  in  the  pot 
perfectly  unhurt ;  while  as  soon  as  it  has  been 
restored  to  the  pool,  the  meat  has  been  cooked  at 
once. 

It  came  to  pass,  also,  in  our  days  that  as  Robert 
Fitz-Stephen  and  Dermot,  king  of  Leinster,  were 
marching  by  that  spot  an  archer  brought  down  one  of 
these  fowl  with  an  arrow.  He  took  it  off  with  him  to 
his  quarters,  and  put  it  in  a  vessel  with  some  flesh  to 
boil,  yet  though  he  spent  as  much  wood  over  it  as 
would  be  enough  for  three  fires  and  waited  till 
midnight  he  got  no  farther  with  his  cooking  :  the  pot 
would  not  boil.  Three  times  he  took  the  meat  out, 
and  each  time  it  was  just  as  raw  as  it  had  been  at 
first.  At  length  his  host  spied  the  little  duck  among 
the  pieces  of  flesh,  and  on  hearing  that  it  had  come 
from  the  pool,  burst  into  tears  and  exclaimed  :  '  Woe 
is  me,  that  ever  such  a  mischance  as  this  should 
happen  in  my  house  !  Why,  this  was  one  of  St. 
Colman's  teal  ! '  And  the  victuals  on  being  placed 
upon  the  fire  alone  were  straightway  boiled  without 
difficulty.     But  the  archer  soon  after  perished  miserably. 

Besides,  it  came  about  that  a  kite  seized  one  of 
them,  and  perched  with  it  on  a  neighbouring  tree, 


THE  SACRILEGIOUS  ARCHERS.  1 83 

when  forthwith  in  the  presence  of  many  beholders,  he 
was  stricken  with  a  rigidity  in  all  his  limbs,  and  paid 
no  further  regard  to  the  victim  he  held  in  his  talons. 
So,  too,  one  winter,  another  was  carried  off  by  a  young 
fox ;  and  in  the  morning  the  beast  was  discovered 
near  the  mere,  lying  dead  in  a  hut,  sacred  from  its 
having  formerly  been  the  resort  of  St.  Colman.  His 
prey  had  stuck  in  his  throat  and  choked  him. 

In  all  the  above  cases  the  birds,  through  the  kindly 
care  of  their  excellent  patron,  returned  to  the  pool 
uninjured,  while  the  spoilers  paid  the  penalty  of  death. 

Of  the  archers  at  Finglas  -who  were  punished  by 
Heaven. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  11.  cap.  liv. 

It  fell  out,  also,  in  our  days  that  during  the  un- 
usually violent  storms  in  Ireland,  while  Jove  rent  the 
heavens  with  his  thunder,*  and  while  the  sword  of 
king  Henry  flashed  lightning  through  the  land,  several 
companies  of  archers  happened  to  be  quartered  in 
Finglas,  a  village  belonging  to  the  archbishop  of 
Dublin.  These  fellows  at  once  proceeded  in  a  grossly 
irreverent  way  to  lay  violent  hands  upon  the  ashes, 
yews,  and  various  trees  which  the  famous  abbot 
Chenach  and  other  devout  men  by  whose  constant 
piety  the  spot  is  glorified  had  in  times  gone  by  planted 
with  their  own  hands  around  the  grave-yard  to  adorn 
their  church.  For,  although  there  was  a  wood  near 
by,  with  the  usual  depraved  manners  of  the  baser  sort 
*  Gerald,  Expug.  I.  36. 


184  ST.  BRIDGET  AND  HER  FIRE. 

added  to  the  customary  license  of  soldiers,  they 
attacked  these  trees,  and  lopping  some,  tearing  up 
others  root  and  branch,  soon  consumed  almost  all  in 
their  fires.    .  .  . 

But  through  the  just  indignation  of  God,  who 
claims  vengeance  as  His  own,  and  deigns  to  take  upon 
Himself  the  punishment  even  in  this  life  of  injuries 
offered  to  His  saints,  these  rude  bowmen  were  forth- 
with smitten  so  sorely  with  a  strange  and  sudden 
pestilence  that  within  a  few  days  most  of  them  died 
a  wretched  death  in  that  very  village ;  suffering  by 
the  decision  of  a  strict  Judge  in  that  court  which  had 
seen  their  sin.  The  rest  of  them  essayed  to  find 
refuge  on  ship-board,  but  were  wrecked  and  drowned, 
and  thus  found  in  their  extremity  that  the  same  Lord 
is  ruler  of  the  sea  as  of  the  land  ;  that  from  His  face 
no  man  can  escape,  or  even  flee. 


Of  various  miracles  in  Kildare  ;  and  first  of  the  fire 
that  never  goes  out,  and  the  ashes  -which  do  not 
increase. 

Girald.  Ca?nbr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  ii.  cap.  xxxiv. 

Al  Kildare,  in  Leinster,  a  town  rendered  illustrious 
by  the  glorious  Bridget,*  are  many  marvels  well  worthy 
of  relation.  Among  these  the  first  that  occurs  to  my 
mind  is  her  fire,  which  men  say  never  dies.  Not  that 
it  cannot  be  extinguished,  but  because  nuns  and  holy 
women  have  ever  fed  the  flames  with  fuel  and  cherished 
them  with  such  anxious  and  careful  diligence  that 
♦  The  Irish  form  is  "  Brighit,"  '*  the  fiery  dart." 


ST.  B RIDGE rS  NIGHT.  1 85 

through  the  whole  course  of  years  from  the  time  of 
the  virgin  [Bridget]  they  have  always  remained  burn- 
ing. And  for  all  the  quantity  of  wood  that  must  have 
been  consumed  during  so  long  a  period,  yet  the  ash- 
heap  has  not  increased. 


How  the  fire  is  kept  up  by  Bridget  herself  on  her 
own  night. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  II.  cap.  xxxv. 

As  in  the  days  of  Bridget  twenty  nuns  served  the 
Lord  here,  she  herself  being  one  of  the  twenty,  since 
her  translation  into  heaven  nineteen  have  invariably 
formed  the  society  down  to  the  present  time,  and  no 
addition  has  ever  been  made  to  that  number.  Each 
of  them  in  turn  watches  the  fire  for  a  night,  and  on 
the  twentieth  evening  the  nun  last  on  duty,  after  piling 
up  the  logs,  says  :  *  Bridget,  look  to  your  hearth  :  it  is 
your  night.'  And  so  the  fire  is  left,  yet  in  the  morn- 
ing it  is  found  still  blazing,  and  the  usual  amount  of 
wood  has  been  burnt. 

Concerning  the  hedge  set  around  the  fire,  wituin 
which  no  male  may  go. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  il.  cap.  xxxvi. 

This  fire  is  surrounded  by  a  circular  hedge  of  stakes 
and  brushwood,  within  which  no  male  may  enter. 
And  if  perchance  any  such  dare  to  pass  it,  and  certain 
rash  men  have  essayed  to  do  so,  they  will  not  escape 
the  Divine  vengeance. 


1 86'  VENGEANCE   OF  THE  SAINTS. 

Moreover,  it  is  lawful  for  women  alone  to  blow  it 
up,  and  these  may  not  do  so  with  the  breath  of  their 
mouths,  but  with  bellows  only  or  with  fans. 

Of  an  archer  who  leapt  over  St.  Bridget's  hedge  and 
went  raving  mad  ;  and  of  another  who  lost  the 
use  of  his  leg. 

Girald.  Canibr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  il.  cap.  xlviii. 

At  Kildare  an  archer  of  the  household  of  earl 
Richard  leapt  over  the  hedge  and  blew  the  fire  of 
St.  Bridget  with  his  mouth.  But  no  sooner  had  he 
jumped  back  again  than  he  was  seized  with  madness, 
and  ran  about  blowing  into  the  mouth  of  every  one 
he  met,  saying  :  '  See  !  this  is  how  I  blew  St.  Bridget's 
fire  ! '  In  the  same  way,  too,  he  rushed  in  and  out 
of  the  houses  over  the  whole  town,  and  whenever  he 
saw  a  fire,  repeated  the  same  words  and  blew  at  it. 
At  last,  however,  he  was  caught  by  his  comrades  and 
tied  down,  whereupon  he  begged  to  be  taken  to  the 
nearest  water ;  and  on  being  led  thither,  in  his  burn- 
ing thirst,  drank  so  huge  a  quantity  that  he  burst  with 
a  loud  report  in  the  midst  of  them,  and  expired  in 
their  hands. 

Another,  also,  who  wanted  to  get  at  the  fire,  had 
just  stretched  one  leg  over  the  hedge,  when,  although 
he  was  dragged  back  and  held  fast  by  his  companions, 
the  offending  foot  and  limb  were  forthwith  withered 
up,  and  for  the  rest  of  his  life  he  continued  lame,  and 
an  idiot  as  well. 


ST.  KEVIN  AND    THE  BLACKBIRD.        1 87 

That  the  saints  of  this  land  appear  to  be  of  a 
vindictive  disposition. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern,  Dis.  11.  cap.  Iv. 

This,  too,  seems  to  me  deserving  of  note,  that  even 
as  the  men  of  the  Irish  nation  are  in  this  mortal  Hfe 
beyond  all  others  passionate  and  quick  to  revenge, 
so  in  the  life  after  death  the  saints  of  the  island, 
exalted  though  they  be  by  their  virtues  above  those  of 
other  countries,  appear  to  be  of  a  vengeful  temper. 

The  only  reason  I  can  think  of  for  this  is  that  the 
people  of  Ireland,  having  no  castles,  while  their  land 
swarms  with  robbers,  are  wont  (especially  the  eccle- 
siastics) in  the  absence  of  fortified  places  to  seek 
refuge  and  protection  for  themselves  and  their  goods 
in  the  churches.  Whence,  by  the  permission  of 
Divine  Providence  it  has  often  been  found  necessary 
to  inflict  chastisement  upon  such  as  may  have  assaulted 
sacred  buildings.  Whereby  both  the  peace  o  f  the 
church  was  guarded  from  the  hands  of  the  impious, 
and  not  merely  a  befitting  but  even  a  servile  venera- 
tion was  secured  for  the  holy  edifices  themselves  on 
the  part  of  a  race  naturallv  irreverent. 

[Of  St.  Kevin's  gentleness.] 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  II.  cap.  xxviii. 

Once  during  Lent  St.  Kevin,  as  was  his  wont  at  that 
season,  fled  from  intercourse  with  man  to  a  desert 
place,*  where,  sheltered  only  by  a  little  hut  which  was 
*  In  the  valley  of  Glendalough. 


1 88      SANCTUARIES  FOR  MAN  AND  BEAST. 

just  sufficient  to  keep  off  the  sun  and  rain,  he  gave 
himself  up  to  holy  meditation  and  passed  his  time  in 
reading  and  in  prayer.  One  day  when,  as  usual,  he 
raised  his  hand  to  heaven  through  the  window,  a 
blackbird  chanced  to  settle  on  it,  and  treating  the 
palm  as  a  nest  laid  her  eggs  there.  The  good  man, 
struck  with  compassion,  showed  such  patience  and 
gentleness  that  he  neither  closed  his  hand  nor  drew  it 
in  ;  but  hollowed  it  and  continued  to  hold  it  out 
without  wearying  till  the  young  brood  was  fully 
hatched.  And  in  lasting  memory  of  this  remarkable 
incident  all  the  images  of  St.  Kevin  throughout 
Ireland  bear  a  blackbird  in  the  extended  hand. 


Of  the  wonderful  sanctuaries  provided  by  the 
saints. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  ii.  cap.  xl. 

In  further  Ulster  rise  some  mountains  where  cranes 
and  grouse  and  various  other  birds  build  in  large 
numbers  during  their  season,  for  the  sake  of  the 
peaceful  asylum  there  afforded  not  only  to  human 
beings,  but  to  brutes  and  to  the  fowls  of  the  air  as 
well.  There  all  such  abide  undisturbed  by  the 
inhabitants  owing  to  the  respect  for  St.  Bean,*  whose 
church  dignifies  the  spot.     That  saint,   besides  pro- 

*  An  Irishman  of  this  name  was  appointed  first  bishop  of 
Aberdeen  in  loio,  and  is  commemorated  upon  December  i6th. 
But  perhaps  the  saint  here  is  Binen,  or  Benignus,  archbishop  of 
Armagh,  St.  Patrick's  disciple  and  successor  in  the  primacy, 
whose  day  is  November  9th. 


SANCTUARIES  FOR  MAN  AND  BEAST.      1 89 

tecting  his  birds,  also  watches  over  their  eggs  in  a 
wondrous  and  unheard-of  way.  For  directly  you 
stretch  out  your  arm  to  seize  them,  they  disappear 
and  you  see  in  their  place  a  brood  of  young  chicks, 
red  and  scraggy,  as  though  hatched  that  very  hour. 
You  naturally  draw  back  your  hand,  and,  lo,  you 
behold  in  turn,  through  either  some  miracle  or  some 
optical  illusion,  the  chicks  transformed  again  in  a 
surprising  manner  into  eggs.  If  two  persons  go,  one 
to  look  on  while  the  other  robs  the  nest,  to  the  eyes 
of  the  latter  appear  chicks,  to  those  of  the  former 
eggs. 

In  South  Munster,  between  the  hill  of  Brendan  *  and 
the  wide  sea  which  flows  between  Spain  and  Ireland, 
lies  a  region  of  some  extent,  bounded  on  one  side  by 
a  river  that  teems  with  fish,  on  the  other  by  a  small 
stream.  There,  out  of  reverence  for  St.  Brendan  and 
other  saints  of  that  part,  is  a  wondrous  refuge  for  men, 
cattle,  and  even  for  savage  beasts,  whether  indigenous 
to  the  locality  or  such  as  have  migrated  thither  from 
elsewhere.  Whence  it  is  that  stags,  wild  boars,  hares, 
and  other  animals  of  the  chase,  on  finding  they  can  in 
no  wise  escape  from  the  hounds  that  are  close  upon 
their  track,  make  with  all  speed  for  this  district  from 
far  distant  quarters.  And  when  they  have  once 
passed  the  rivulet,  the  dogs  stop  short  in  the  pursuit 
at  that  moment,  and  the  fugitive  is  immediately  safe 
from  all  danger. 

Marvellous  is  the  power  of  God,  who  through  the 
merits  of  His  samts  does  not  permit  the  persistent  and 
*  Brandon  Hill,  in  Kerry. 


1 90  A  SALMON  LEAP. 

cruel  huntsman  to  secure  his  prey,  though  he  vehe- 
mently urge  on  his  fierce  dogs  to  drag  down  the 
quarry  that  is  perhaps  but  a  few  yards  ahead. 

In  these  two  retreats,  firom  long  enjoyment  of  a 
home-like  repose,  birds  and  untamed  animals  do  not 
flee  from  intercourse  with  man. 

On  the  other  side  of  the  said  tract  of  land  runs  a 
river  which  abounds  in  fish,  and  is  especially  rich  in 
salmon,  even  to  an  astonishing  degree.  This  great 
plenty  was  bestowed  by  Providence  in  the  cause  of 
charity  ;  for  the  purpose,  that  is,  of  supplying  plentiful 
material  for  that  indefatigable  hospitality  which  the 
holy  men  there  were  accustomed  to  afford  to  pilgrims 
and  strangers  to  the  utmost  of  their  power,  indeed  far 
more  than  they  ought  in  justice  to  themselves.  And 
lest  the  too  common  greed  of  man  should  be  tempted 
to  turn  this  same  abundance  to  marketable  account, 
a  remedy  has  been  provided  which  resembles  that  of 
the  manna  :  for  never  will  these  fish  keep  a  single 
night  after  their  taking.  Though  they  be  salted  as 
thoroughly  as  possible,  they  are  always  liable  to  turn 
putrid,  and  remain  tasteless  and  insipid  ;  nor  can  they 
by  any  device  be  preserved  till  the  morrow  so  as  to 
be  of  the  slightest  value  as  an  eatable. 

Of  the  salmon  leap. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern,  Dis.  ri.  cap.  xli. 

This  river,  too,  pours  over  and  down  a  natural 
rock,  where  it  falls  with  great  force  from  the  top  to  the 
bottom,  forming  a  cascade  such  as  one  often  sees. 


HOW  THE  SALMON  LEAR  191 

On  the  summit  of  the  waterfall  is  a  hole  of  moderate 
size,  scooped  out  ages  ago  by  the  hands  of  holy  men. 
Into  this  cavity  great  numbers  of  the  salmon  bound 
from  below  with  a  wonderful  leap  :  one,  in  fact,  which 
would  be  miraculous  were  not  this  the  peculiar  habit 
of  that  fish,  for  the  height  is  as  much  as  the  length  of 
the  longest  spear.*  Hence  the  name  salmon  has  been 
given  to  this  species  owing  to  its  native  propensity  to 
saltation. 

How  the  salmon  leap. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  II.  cap.  xlii. 

The  particular  mode  in  which  they  leap  is  as  follows. 
Fishes  of  this  sort  struggle  by  instinct  up  stream  : 
they  strive  against  the  current  as  birds  do  against  the 
blast.  When  a  precipitous  obstacle  comes  in  their 
path,  they  bend  their  tails  round  towards  their  heads ; 
and  sometimes,  to  give  greater  elasticity  to  their 
spring,  even  take  them  fast  in  their  mouths.  Then 
they  suddenly  let  go,  and  relax  the  kind  of  circle 
thus  made,  and,  like  the  jerk  of  a  bowed  rod  when 
abruptly  released,  with  the  impetus  so  gained  throw 
themselves  to  the  wonder  of  the  spectators  a  great 
height  from  the  base  to  the  top  of  whatever  bars  their 
way. 

A  leap  similar  to  this  one,  though  not  so  large,  is 
to  be  seen  in  the  river  Liffey,  not  far  from  Dublin.f 

*  About  twelve  feet,  at  that  time. 

t  Leixlip:  the  word  is  Norse  and  means  "salmon-leap." 
"Lax"  occurs  in  various  place  names  in  Scotland,  the  isles, 
and  Ireland. 


192  TRANSLATION  OF  SAINTS. 

In  the  Teivy,  too,  in  South  Wales,  is  a  third,  which  is 
the  steepest  of  the  three. 


That  the  bodies  of  S.S.  Patrick,  Columba,  and 
Bridget,  which  lay  at  the  city  of  Down  in 
Ulster,  were  in  these  our  days  discovered  and 
translated. 

Girald.  Cambr.  Top.  Hibern.  Dis.  III.  cap.  xviii. 

Now  contemporaneous  *  with  St.  Patrick  had  been 
S.S.  Columba  and  Bridget,  and  the  remains  of  all 
three  had  been  interred  in  the  same  city,  that  is 
Down.  In  our  own  times,  in  the  year  in  which  the 
lord  John  first  came  into  Ireland  [1185],  and  during 
the  governorship  of  John  de  Courci  in  Ulster,  these 
noble  treasures  were,  through  the  instrumentality  of 
the  latter,  translated.  Their  burial-place  was  revealed 
by  divine  agency,  and  the  bodies  were  found  in  a 
vault  with  three  recesses,  St.  Patrick  lying  in  the 
middle,  the  others  on  either  side.f 

*  Not  correct,  as  the  dates  given  above  will  show. 

t  The  revelation  was  made  in  a  vision  to  the  bishop  of 
Down,  and  on  June  9th  (St.  Columkille's  day),  1186,  the 
remains  were  solemnly  translated  to  a  monument  in  Down- 
patrick  Cathedral  in  the  presence  of  the  legate  Vivianus  and  a 
large  gathering  of  the  Irish  clergy. 

"  In  Down  three  saints  one  tomb  do  fill» 
"Patrick,  Bridget,  and  Columkille." 

{^Quoted  by  Connellan). 


193 

APPENDIX   I. 

GENEALOGICAL  TABLES   OF  THE  GERALDINES  AND  THEIR   KINSMEN,   THE  FIRST  ADVENTURERS  IN  THE 

CONQUEST   OF   IRELAND. 

A.  Legitimate  descendants  of  the  princess  Nesta,  daughter  of  Rhys  ap  Tudor,  sister  of  Griffith,  and  aunt 
of  Rhys  ap  Griffith,  all  successively  princes  of  South  "Wales  :— 

Nesta  =  Gerald  de  Windsor,  constable  of  Pembroke. 


Willi: 


Odo,  ancestor       Reimund         Griffith     j 

of  the  Carews    Fitz-GeraU   Fitz-Gerald. 

of  Wales  and    rLeGros"). 

Ireland.        =Hasiliad.  of 

Earl 

Strongbow. 


Angha 


William  de  , 


I 
I  daughter 


?     William  Gemlii         Alexander        Nesta  = 

Fitz-Gerald   Fitz-Gerald.  Fitz-Gerald.      Herrey  de 
=  Alina,  d.  Montmaurict 

of  Earl 
Strongbow. 


I 


Philif  Gerald 

de  Barri.  de  Barri 
(••  Giraldu. 
Cambrensis  ' 


presen 

the  siej 

Limerick  i 


Milo 
Fitz-Gerald  of 
St.  David's. 


Ro/iert 
de  Barri, 


inio       Richa 


Walter 
de  Barri, 
killed  in 

Wales. 


Philip 
de  Barri, 
Archdeacon 


a  daughter 
=  Ralph 
itz-Siephen. 


B.   Descent  from  the  princess  Nesta,  which  was  probably  illegitimate  :- 

Nesta  =  Stephen,  constable  of  Cardigan. 


Meredith  Fitz-Stefiheti  [certainly  illegitimate]. 


C.  Descent  from  the  princess  Nesta,  which  was  certainly  illegitimate 

Nesta  =  Henry  I.,  King  of  England. 


Robert  Fitz-Henry  [legit 


Henry  Fitz-Henry  [legil 


N.B. — 1.  The  order  of  seniority  among  the  br( 


italics  took  part  in  the 


LIST  OF  THE  ADVENTURERS.  195 


APPENDIX   II. 

A  LIST  OF  THE  MOST  PROMINENT  PERSONS  CONCERNED 
IN   THE   CONQUEST   OF    IRELAND   UNDER   HENRY    II. 

A.  Adventurers. 

Richard  de  Clare,  Earl  of  Pembroke  or  Strigul  [**  Strongbo'w^''\ 

Maurice  Fitz-Gerald. 

Reimund  Fitz-Gerald. 

Griffith  Fitz-Gerald. 

William  Fitz-Gerald. 

Gerald  Fitz-Gerald. 

Alexander  Fitz-Gerald. 

Milo  Fitz-Gerald,  of  St.  David's. 

Hervey  de  Montmaurice. 

Robert  de  Barri. 

Philip  de  Barri. 

Robert  de  Barri,  junior. 

Milo  de  Cogan  \^Cogham\» 

Richard  de  Cogan. 

Robert  Fitz- Stephen. 

Ralph  Fitz-Stephen. 

Meredith  Fitz-Stephen. 

Meiler  Fitz- Henry. 

Robert  Fitz-Henry. 

Henry  Fitz-Henry. 

Reimund  de  Kantitune. 

Reimund  Fitz-Hugh. 

Walter  de  Ridenesford. 

Maurice  de  Prendergast. 

William  Mascarel. 

Philip  of  Wales  \Gualensis\ 

Richard  Fitz-Godobert. 

Alice  de  [A]berveny. 

Robert  de  Quency. 

N 


196  LIST  OF  ROYAL   OFFICERS, 

Richard  de  Marreis. 

Walter  Bluet  j 

John  de  Clahull.  ' 

Robert  de  Birmingham. 

Adam  de  Hereford. 

John  de  Hereford. 

Thomas  de  Flanders  \le  Fleming\. 

Robert  de  Bigarz. 

Simon  de  Bigarz. 

Robert  de  Borard. 

Hugh  Tyrell  [The  EarVs  '' intrinsicke friend ;''  Carew\. 

William  the  Little  ["  Petit ;  "  *'  Modicus' \ 

Gilbert  de  Nangle. 

Josselin  Fitz-Gilbert. 

Richard  Tuite. 

Robert  de  Laci. 

Richard  de  la  Chappell. 

Geoffrey  de  Constantin. 

Adam  de  Feipo. 

Gilbert  de  Nugent. 

William  de  Muset. 

Hugh  de  Hose. 

Adam  Dullard. 

Richard  le  Fleming. 

Adam  de  Riceport. 

Robert  Fitz-Richard. 

B.  Left  behind  or  sent  over  by  the  king  in  various 
official  capacities. 

Prince  John,  as  Lord  of  Ireland. 

William  Fitz-Aldelm,  as  Procurator. 

Robert  Fitz-Barnard. 

Hugh  de  Laci,  as  Procurator. 

John  de  Courci,  as  coadjutor  to  Fitz-Aldelm  ;  then  as  chief  governor 

totder  John. 
Humphrey  de  Bohun. 
Bertram  de  Verdun. 


LIST  OF  ROYAL   OFFICERS.  197 

Robert  le  Poer  [/<?  pauvre\ 

William  le  Poer. 

Roger  le  Poer. 

Osbert  de  Herlotera. 

William  de  Bendenges. 

Adam  de  Yarmouth. 

Philip  de  Braose. 

Philip  de  Worcester,  as  Procurator. 

Theobald  Fitz -Walter. 

John  Constable  of  Chester.)        , 

Richard  de  Pec.  }  "^  '^"^""''•^  'O-g^^rn^s. 

Hugh  de  Gundeville. 

Philip  de  Hastings. 

Gilbert  de  Boisrohard. 

Reimund  de  Drune. 

Hubert  Fitz-Hubert. 

William  Fitz-Hubert. 

Joslan  de  la  Pumerai. 

Richard  de  Londres. 

'Robert  of  Shrewsbury,  to  watch  Hugh  de  Laci  for 

the  King. 
Ecclesiastics.  K  John  Comyn,  as  Archbishop  of  Dublin. 

Gerald   de  Earri  \^'-  Canibrensis''\  as  adviser  to 

Prince  John. 

C.   Sent  by  the  pope. 

Vivianus,  as  Papal  legate. 


98  IRISH  AND  NORSE  LEADERS. 


APPENDIX   III. 

A  LIST  OF  THE  LEADING  IRISH  AND  NORSE  CHIEF- 
TAINS AND  NOTABLES  WHO  APPEAR  DURING  THE 
WAR. 

A.  Irishmen. 

Roderic,  King  of  Connaught  and  High-King  of  all  Ireland. 

Dermot  Mac  Murrough,  King  of  Leinster. 

Cooley  Mac  Donlevy,  King  of  Ulidia. 

Roderic  Mac  Donlevy,  King  of  Ulidia. 

Dermot  Mac  Carthy,  King  of  Desmond  \aliter  S.  Munster,  aliter 

Cork]. 
Donnell  O'Brien,  King  of  Thomond  [aliter  N.  Munster,  alifer 

Limerick], 
Donnell,  King  of  Ossory. 

Tiernan  O'Ruarc,  King  of  Breifny  and  East  Meath. 
Mackelan,  Prince  of  Ophelan. 

Murtough  Mac  Murrough,  Prince  of  Hy-Kinselagh  [Kenceleia]. 
Melaghlin  O'Phelan,  Prince  of  Decies. 
Melaghlin  O'Neill,  King  of  Keneleonia. 
Murrough  O'Carroll,  King  of  Uriel. 

Donnell    Kevanagh,    son   of  v  The  only  Irish  chiefs  who  con- 
Dermot,  King  of  Leinster.  f      tinued  to  stand  by  the  English 
Awelaph  [Anlaf]  O'Carvi.       I     after  the  death  of  Dermot  Mac 
O'Reilli  of  Tirbrun.  ^     Murrough. 

([St.]  Gelasius,  Archbishop  of  Armagh  and  Primate 
of  all  Ireland. 
[St.]  Lawrence  O'Toole,  Archbishop  of  Dublin. 
Donatus,  Archbishop  of  Cashel. 
Catholicus,  Archbishop  of  Tuam. 
Christian,  Bishop  of  Lismore  and  Papal  legate. 

B.  Ostmen. 

Reginald  of  Waterford. 
Smorch  of  Waterford. 


THE  IRISH  EPISCOPATE.  1 99 


The  two  Sihtrics  of  Waterford. 
Hasculf  of  Dublin. 

John  the  Wood  ["  le  Deve ;  "  Regan\ 
Guthred,  King  of  Man, 


APPENDIX   IV. 


THE  IRISH  EPISCOPATE  AT  THE  TIME  OF  THE  INVASION. 
From  Hoveden^  sub  anno  1171. 

Metropolitan  Archbishoprick  of  Armagh. 

Suffragan  Bishopricks. — Kells,  Louth  (Clogher),  Down,  Derry, 
Raphoe,  Connor,  Ardagh,  Clonard. 

Archbishoprick  of  Cashel. 

Suffragan  ■  Bishopricks.  — Lismore,     Emly,    Cloyne,     Ardmore, 
Limerick,  Killaloe,  Waterford,  Ardfert,  Ross,  Kilfenora.* 

Archbishoprick  of  Dublin. 

Suffragan  Bishopricks. — Glendalough,  Ferns,  Leighlin,  Kildare, 
Ossory. 

Archbishoprick  of  Tuam. 

Suffragan    Bishopricks. — Clonfert,     Killala,     Mayo,      Elphin, 
Achonry. 

*  Benedict  Abbas,  I.  27,  adds  Cork. 


200  EXPLANATION  OF  THE  MAP. 


APPENDIX   V. 

ELUCIDATION   OF   THE   MAP. 

The  five  great  divisions  mentioned  by  Gerald  in  Bk.  I.,  chap. 
I,  of  the  *'  Expugnatio  Hibernica,"  and  forming  the  Irish  Pen- 
tarchy,  were  Leinster,  Munster,  Connaught,  Ulster,  and  Meath. 
Of  these— 

Leinster  =  the  modern  counties  of  Wexford,  Carlow, 
Wicklow,  and  Queen's  County,  most  of 
Kilkenny,  King's  County,  and  Kildare, 
and  the  southern  half  of  the  county  of 
Dublin. 
Munster       =  the  modern  province  exactly,  together  with 

part  of  Kilkenny. 
Connaught  =  the    modern    province   exactly,    with    the 

addition  of  the  greater  part  of  Cavan. 
Ulster  =  as  now,  but  with  Louth  and  without  Cavan, 

except  a  small  district  in  the  east  of  the 
latter  county. 
Meath  =  the  modern  counties   of  Meath  and   West 

Meath,   with   parts  of  Longford,   King's 
County,  and  Kildare,  and    the  northern 
half  of  the  county  of  Dublin. 
Other  districts — 

In   Leinster — Kenceleia  =  the    diocese    of    Ferns,    i.e. 
roughly  the  modern  county  of  Wexford. 
,,  ,,      — Ossory  =  the  diocese  of  Ossory,  i.e.  most 

of  Kilkenny  and  part  of  Queen's  County, 
the    latter    portion    being    sub-named 
Leix. 
,,  ,,      — Offaly  =  N.  Kildare  and  'parts  of  King's 

and  Queen's  counties. 
,,  ,,      — Omorethi  =  S.  Kildare. 

,,  ,,      — Odrone  =  part  of  W.  Carlow. 


EXPLANATION  OF   THE   MAP.  201 

In  Munster      — Thomond  =  roughly  Clare  and  Limerick 
counties. 
,,  „         — Desmond  =  Cork,     Kerry,    Waterford, 

and  S.  Tipperary  counties.  Minor 
divisions  in  Desmond  were  Olethan 
in  S.E.  of  CO.  Cork,  and  the  Decies  in 
CO.  Waterford  ;  though  they  are  some- 
times reckoned  as  districts  indepen- 
dent of  Desmond. 
„  ,,  — Ormond  =  N.W.  Tipperary. 

In  Connaught— Breifny  =  Leitrim  and  Cavan  counties. 
In  Ulster  — Uriel  =  Louth,  Armagh,  Monaghan  and 

most  of  Fermanagh  counties. 
,,         ,,  — Ulidia  =  Antrim    and   Down   counties, 

the  latter  being  sub-named  Dalaradia. 
,,         ,,  — Keneleonia  =  Londonderry  and  Tyrone 

counties. 
, ,         , ,  — Tirconnel  =  co.  Donegal. 

CHIEF   PLACES   OF   IMPORTANCE   AND    INTEREST   IN 
IRELAND   AT   THE   TIME   OF   THE   CONQUEST. 


Dublin.* 

Tuam- 

Carlingford. 

Wexford.* 

Armagh. 

Louth. 

Waterford  or  Port 

Cashel. 

Wicklow.* 

Lairge.* 

Ferns. 

Arklow.* 

Cork. 

Lismore. 

Kildare. 

Limerick.  ♦ 

Leighlin. 

Down. 

Tara. 

*  Ostman  settlements. 


202  GERALD    OF  BARRI. 


APPENDIX   VI. 

THE   AUTHORITIES. 

I.  Gerald  de  Barri,  known  in  literature  as  Silvester  Giraldus 
Cambrensis,  the  historian  of  the  conquest  of  Ireland  and  a 
member  of  the  family  which  furnished  the  chief  leaders  during 
the  first  years  of  the  invasion,  was  born,  about  1147,  at  his 
father's  castle  of  Manorbier  in  Pembrokeshire,  near  Tenby.  He 
was  of  gentle  birth,  and  by  descent  half  Anglo-Norman  half 
Welsh  \see  Genealogical  Table].  A  younger  son,  and  destined 
for  the  church,  he  received  his  education  partly  from  his  uncle, 
David  Fitz-Gerald,  bishop  of  St.  David's,  partly  at  the  University 
of  Paris,  which  was  already  showing  signs  of  its  coming  great- 
ness as  the  chief  centre  of  European  learning.  In  11 76  Bishop 
David  died,  and  the  chapter  elected  Gerald,  who  had  been 
archdeacon  of  Brecknock  for  the  last  four  years,  to  succeed  him. 
The  young  archdeacon,  however,  had  already  earned  the  repu- 
tation of  being  a  restless  advocate  of  church  reform  ;  he  was 
known  to  be  a  zealous  upholder  of  the  claims  of  St.  David's  to 
independence  of  Canterbury  ;  finally,  the  preferment  of  a  Welsh- 
man to  the  metropolitan  see  of  Wales  was  regarded  as  dangerous  : 
for  these  reasons  the  king  refused  his  consent  to  the  appointment. 
In  disgust,  Gerald  returned  to  Paris,  where  he  passed  the  next 
four  years  in  study.  It  was  in  February  1 183  that  he  paid  his  first 
\'isit  to  Ireland,  and  there  remained  for  about  a  year  assisting 
his  relatives  with  advice  {Expug.  II.  20).  His  connection  with 
the  court  seems  to  have  begun  in  1 184,  when  Henry,  who  had 
made  his  acquaintance  in  South  Wales,  enlisted  his  services  as 
a  diplomatist  in  Welsh  affairs.  He  was  also  appointed  a  royal 
chaplain  and  tutor  to  prince  John,  whom  he  accompanied  to 
Ireland  in  1185  {Expug.  II.  32).  More  than  once  an  Irish 
bishoprick  was  offered  to  him,  but  the  ambition  of  his  life  was  to 
be  bishop  of  St,  David's,  and  from  that  aim  he  would  not  turn 
aside.  By  the  spring  of  1 188  the  Topographia  was  published,  and 
about  twelve  months  later  the  Expugnatio.    Some  time  after  the 


GERALD    OF  BARRI.  203 

■completion  of  the  former  work,  the  writer's  vanity  was  gratified 
by  his  spending  three  days  at  Oxford  in  publicly  reciting  it,  and 
feasting  everybody,  high  and  low.  The  Topographia  he  dedicated 
to  Henry  11.,  and  the  Exptignatio  to  Richard  I.  when  count  of 
Poitou.  Of  his  other  works  it  is  unnecessary  to  speak  here. 
On  Richard  I.'s  departure  for  the  East  in  1189,  Gerald  was 
appointed  by  the  king  a  member  of  the  council  of  regency,  and 
his  hopes  of  obtaining  the  see  of  St.  David's  revived  ;  so  much 
so  that  he  declined  the  bishopricks  of  Bangor  and  Llandaff,  though 
they  might  have  seemed  steps  to  the  coveted  post.  Yet  when  in 
1 198  St.  David's  again  fell  vacant,  and  Gerald  was  a  second 
time  chosen  by  the  chapter.  Archbishop  Hubert  Walter,  who 
was  justiciar  of  the  realm  in  the  absence  of  the  king,  set  aside  the 
election  for  the  same  considerations  as  those  which  had  caused 
its  repudiation  before  ;  and  we  can  quite  imagine  that  our  author 
was  a  man  who  in  high  office  might  have  been  a  great  nuisance. 
While  the  matter  was  still  open,  Richard  died  and  John  suc- 
ceeded. A  long  dispute  now  began,  during  which  an  appeal 
was  made  to  the  pope.  Finally,  in  1203,  Gerald  withdrew  from 
the  contest,  and  soon  after  retired  into  private  life,  a  disappointed 
man.  We  only  hear  of  him  again  as  going  on  a  pilgrimage  to 
Rome  in  1205-6,  and  as  sullenly  rejecting  the  tardy  offer  of 
St.  David's  in  12 14.  His  death  took  place  apparently  in  1220, 
but  he  had  so  dropped  out  of  the  world  that  the  exact  year  is 
not  certain. 

St.  David's  had  originally  been  the  seat  of  the  primacy  of 
Wales,  and  the  succession  of  archbishops  practically  went  on 
from  St.  David,  about  519,  till  the  time  of  Bishop  Bernard, 
1 1 15-47,  who  submitted  to  the  supremacy  of  Canterbury. 
David  Fitz-Gerald,  who  followedhim,  began  the  list  of  bishops  sub- 
ordinate to  the  English  primate.  Gerald  had  given  much  offence 
to  king  John  by  defending  before  pope  Innocent  III.  in  1199  the 
ancient  metropolitan  rights  of  the  extinct  archbishoprick.* 

The  literary  vagaries  of  Gerald  and  his  merits  as  a  writer  of 

*  Among  the  works  of  Hubert  Walter,  archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, was  one  entitled  A  Censure  of  Gerald  at  Rome, 


204  THE  IRISH  ANNALS. 

history  have  been  touched  upon  in  the  preface.  Sufficient  was 
said  there  to  place  the  reader  on  his  guard  against  accepting 
with  impUcit  confidence  all  that  he  would  find  in  the  extracts 
from  the  Expiignatio.  The  author's  attitude  to  the  Irish 
resembles  that  of  Bernal  Diaz  to  the  Mexicans.  Yet  partial 
though  his  narrative  is  to  his  own  countrymen,  it  is  perhaps  not 
more  unjust  to  the  natives  than  it  is  to  most  of  the  royal  officers 
who  were  sent  over  to  counteract  the  influence  of  his  kinsmen 
the  Geraldines.  Still,  when  all  is  said,  the  Expugnatio  remains 
beyond  comparison  the  most  complete  and  detailed  account  of 
the  expedition ;  so  we  must  be  grateful,  if  not  content.  And 
the  very  extravagance  of  Gerald's  faults  as  a  historian  is  their 
corrective :  were  he  le'ss  obviously  unfair,  he  would  be  the  more 
delusive. 

2.  The  Annals  of  the  kingdom  of  Ireland  by  the  Four  Masters 
from  the  earliest  period  to  the  year  1616  were  compiled  between 
January  22nd,  1632  and  August  loth,  1636  in  the  convent  of 
Donegal,  from  Old  Irish  Annals,  most  of  the  original  MSS.  of 
which  are  now  lost.  The  work  is  dedicated  to  Fergal  O'Gara, 
lord  of  Moy  O'Gara  and  Coolavin,  in  co.  Sligo,  who  patronized 
the  undertaking  and  paid  the  antiquaries  engaged  in  the  task, 
while  the  convent  housed  and  fed  them.  The  Four  Masters 
were  Michael  O'Clery,  Conary  O'Clery,  Cucogry  O'Clery,  and 
Ferfeasa  O'Mulconry.  They  did  not  themselves  assume  the 
appellation  of  the  Four  Masters ;  the  title  was  given  to  them 
afterwards,  and  was  suggested  by  the  designation  Quatuor 
Magistri^  ''applied  by  medical  writers  of  the  middle  ages  to 
the  Four  Masters  of  the  medical  sciences  "  (O'Donovan).  The 
Annals  are  written  in  Goidelic,  and  the  selections  are  from 
the  translation  of  O'Donovan  published  in  185 1,  as  also  are 
those  from  the  Annals  of  Innisfallen,  which  are  quoted  in  his 
notes. 

On  the  whole  considerably  less  is  said  in  the  Four  Masters 
about  the  English  invasion  than  might  have  been  expected : 
indeed  the  excerpts  here  given  comprise  practically  all  the 
connected  pieces  of  interest  on  the  subject ;  though  there  are 
short  entries  besides  from  time  to  time.     The  rest  consists  at 


THE   IRISH  ANNALS.  205 

this  period  mainly  of  the  record  of  a  network  of  "predatory 
incursions,"  feuds,  usurpations,  depositions,  and  assassinations, 
which  apparently  go  on  as  usual  with  undiminished  vigour  in  the 
presence  of  the  invader :  the  internecine  strife  being  but  rarely 
suspended,  and  only  during  some  few  brief  and  spasmodic 
coalitions  against  the  foreigners. 

3.  The  A7inals  of  Innisfallen,  from  the  creation  to  the 
year  a.d.  1320,  were  composed  at  the  monastery  on  the  isle  of 
Innisfallen  in  the  lake  of  Killarney.  They  are  believed  to  have 
been  begun  about  A.D.  looo,  and  are  in  the  Goidelic  tongue  with 
an  intermixture  of  Latin. 

4.  The  Annals  of  Loch  Ce,  or,  more  correctly,  the  "  Annals 
of  the  Rock  of  Loch  Ce,"  or,  the  "Annals  of  Carrick  ('Crag') 
Mac  Dermot,"  were  compiled  at  the  old  home  of  the  Mac 
Dermots  on  an  island  in  lough  Key  in  Roscpmmon.  They 
embrace  the  period  between  the  battle  of  Clontarf  (1014)  and 
1590,  and  in  their  extant  shape  were  partly  the  work  of  Brian 
Mac  Dermot,  who  died  in  1592.  They  are  probably  the  family 
record  of  the  Mac  Dermots  combined  with  transcripts  from  other 
annals.  The  language  is  Goidelic  with  occasional  Latin 
sentences. 

5.  The  Annals  of  Boyle,  in  Roscommon,  were  carried  on 
by  the  monks  of  the  abbey  of  that  place.  They  cover  the  time 
from  420  to  1245,  and  are  written  in  Goidelic  interspersed  with 
a  considerable  proportion  of  Latin. 

6.  The  Annals  of  Clontnacnoise,  from  Adam  to  Henry  IV. 
inclusive.  The  original  Goidelic  of  these  Annals  is  not  known 
to  be  in  existence,  and  the  only  version  of  them  extant  is  an 
English  translation.  There  are  but  three  MS.  copies  of  this, 
and  it  has  never  been  printed.  The  translation  was  made  in 
1627,  by  Connla  Mac  Echagan  [Mageoghegan].  One  of  the 
copies  is  in  the  Clarendon  Collection  in  the  British  Museum,  the 
press-mark  being  Ayscough,  4817.  The  MS.  is  written  in 
Elizabethan  style,  and  in  a  bold  and  legible  hand. 

7.  The  Annals  of  Ulster  were  originally  compiled  by  Cathal 
Mac  Guire  at  his  isle  of  Senait  in  lough  Erne.  They  start  from 
A.D.  431,  and  go  on  to  1498,  on  March  23rd  of  which  year  the 


206  REGAN'S  POEM, 

writer  died  of  small-pox  aged  59.  His  work  was  taken  up  by 
Roderic  Cassidy,  and  continued  by  him  to  1541,  and  subsequently 
by  others  till  1604.  There  is  a  translation  into  English  by  an 
unknown  person  of  the  early  part  down  to  1303,  preserved  in 
the  Clarendon  Collection  at  the  British  Museum,  Ayscough, 
4795.  This  MS.  is  in  a  crabbed  hand  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  and  is  frequently  difficult  to  decipher.  The  translation 
has  not  been  printed. 

8.  The  Anglo-Norman  poem  on  the  conquest  of  Ireland  by 
Henry  Ii.  is  the  production  of  an  unknown  rimer,  who,  as  he 
tells  us,  drew  his  information  chiefly  from  Morice  Regan,  the 
interpreter  or  secretary  {Latinier,  Latimer)  of  Dermot,  king  of 
Leinster.  Besides  the  oral  account  he  obtained  from  Regan,  the 
poet  was  also  furnished  by  him  with  another  geste,  or  song,  on 
the  invasion,  which  is  not  known  to  be  in  existence.  To  these 
sources  of  knowledge  he  added  the  reminiscences  of  old  men  and 
others.  It  is  impossible  to  say  whether  the  poem  was  composed 
before  or  after  the  Expugnatio  of  Gerald.  In  the  latter  case  it 
is  difficult  to  believe  that  the  author  had  not  read,  if  he  did  not 
make  use  of,  so  celebrated  a  work  as  that  of  de  Barri.  His 
referring  to  old  men  as  constituting  one  class  of  his  authorities 
would  perhaps  point  to  its  being  subsequent  in  date  to  the 
Expugnatio.  From  what  has  been  said,  however,  it  is  clear 
that  the  poet  lived  during  or  near  the  time  of  the  occurrences  of 
which  he  sings.  His  story  breaks  off  suddenly  at  the  attack  on 
Limerick  by  Reimund  in  1175.  On  the  whole  it  agrees  very 
well  with  Gerald's  history,  although  each  narrative  contains  facts 
and  incidents  which  are  wanting  in  the  other.  The  verses  are 
constructed  in  heptasyllabic  couplets,  varied  occasionally  by  octo- 
syllabic lines,  but  with  further  irregularities  of  metre  here  and 
there.  The  text,  which  is  very  corrupt,  was  edited  by  Michel 
and  Wright  in  1837.  As  Mr.  Dimock  remarks  (Preface  to  Vol. 
5  of  Giraldus  Cambrensis,  R.S.)  this  was  just  such  a  chanson 
de  geste  as  would  be  chanted  in  many  a  Norman  castle  hall  of  a 
winter's  night  at  the  end  of  the  xiith  century. 

In  Harris's  Hihernica,  1747,  was  printed  an  imperfect  abstract 
of  this  poem  in  English  prose  made  by  sir  George  Carew,  lord 


THE    CHRONICLERS.  20/ 

president  of  Munster  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  and  a  descendant 
of  the  Geraldines  \see  Genealogical  Table],  Until  the  publication 
of  the  Anglo-Norman  text  in  1837,  this  abstract  was  always 
taken  as  equivalent  to  the  original,  which,  being  extant  in  a 
single  MS.,  was  not  easy  to  consult.  Two  passages  from 
Carew's  epitome  have  been  inserted  in  this  book  under  the  year 
1 169,  a  comparison  with  the  poem  having  shown  them  to  be 
sufficiently  accurate  to  justify  their  being  so  utilized.  Carew 
believed  Regan  to  have  been  the  actual  author  of  the  geste, 
hence  that  fragment  has  been  generally  known  and  quoted  as 
"  Regan."  * 

9.  The  English  authorities  in  Latin  used  besides  the  above- 
mentioned  works  of  Gerald  of  Barri  are  The  Chronicles  of  Roger 
of  Howden  (732-1201)  ;  The  Deeds  of  King  Henry  II.,  ascribed 
to  Benedict,  abbot  of  Peterborough,  but  probably  written  by  the 
king's  treasurer,  Richard  Fitz-Neal,  the  author  of  the  **Dia- 
logus  de  Scaccario,"  (1169-1192)  ;  The  Outlines  of  History  by 
Ralph  of  Dissay,  dean  of  St.  Paul's,  (1147-1201)  ;  77;.?  History 
of  English  Affairs  by  William  of  Newbury  (1066-1198);  The 
Chronicles  of  Robert,  abbot  of  St.  Michael's  Mount,  (876-1184) ; 
The  Chronicle  of  Gervase  of  Canterbury,  (i  122-1200);  The 
Chronicle  of  Ralph  Niger  (creation  to  I199);  The  Kingdom  of 
the  Britons  from  Brute  to  1 2 10  by  Gervase  of  Tilbury;  t  The 
Archives  of  Dublin ;  and  a  MS.  on  vellum  preserved  in  the 
British  Museum,  Clarendon  Collection,  Ayscough,  4792, 
labelled  A  genuine  copy  of  an  ancient  charter  grajited  by  Hugh 
de  Loci  to  William  the  Little. 


*  I  must  not  omit  to  say  that  my  thanks  are  due  to  my  friend 
and  late  colleague,  J.  Russell  Esq.  M.A.,  who  rendered  me 
kind  and  valuable  assistance  in  dealing  with  the  difficult  text 
of  this  poem,  although  he  is  in  no  way  responsible  for  the 
translation. 

t  Of  these  Roger  of  Howden,  Fitz-Neal,  and  Ralph  of  Dissay 
were  all  in  the  service  of  Henry  H.,  while  William  of  Newbury 
and  Robert  of  St.  Michael's  Mount  also  had  special  facilities  for 
obtaining  information. 


208  LIST  OF  EDITIONS. 

10.  I  have  also  consulted  The  Martyrology  of  Donegal,  by 
Michael  O'Clery,  the  senior  of  the  Four  Masters  ;  Colgan's 
Deeds  of  the  Irish  Saints  ;  The  Syllabus  of  Rymer's  Foedera  ; 
The  Calendar  of  Docujnents  relating  to  Ireland  ;  Spencer's  View 
of  the  State  of  Ireland,  written  in  1596  ;  Hanmer's  Chronicle  0/ 
Ireland,  written  in  1571  ;  Campion's  History  of  Ireland, -wx'itiQn 
in  1 57 1  :  and  must  acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to  O'Curry's 
Lectures  on  the  MS.  Materials  of  Ancient  Irish  History,  O'Curry's 
Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Ancient  Irish,  O'Clery's  Edition  of 
the  Four  Masters^  and  that  by  Connellan  and  Mac  Dermott, 
Mr.  Round's  articles  on  John  de  Courci,  Kelly's  Calendar  of 
Irish  Saints,  the  "Index  Locorum  "  in  O'Dono van's  Edition 
of  The  Four  Masters,  and  to  the  Glossary  in  Vol.  V  of  the  Rolls 
Edition  of  Giraldus  Cambrensis. 

LIST   OF    EDITIONS   USED. 

Giraldi    Cambrensis    Topographia    Hibernica    et    Expugnatio 

Hibernica  :  ed.  Dimock  ;  R.  S.  \_Rolls  Series], 
Chronica  Magistri  Rogeri  de  Houedene  :  ed.  Stubbs  ;  R.S. 
Gesta  Regis  Henrici  Secundi  Benedicti  Abbatis :    ed.  Stubbs  ; 

R.S. 
Radulphi  de  Diceto  Decani  Lundoniensis  Ymagines  Historiarum  : 

ed.  Stubbs  j  R.S. 
Historia  Rerum  Anglicarum  Wilelmi  Newburgensis  :  ed.  How- 

lett;  R.S. 
Gervasii  Monachi  Cantuariensis  Opera  Historica :  ed.  Stubbs ; 

R.S. 
Chronica  Roberti  Abbatis  S.  Michaelis  de  Monte,  in  Vol.  6  of 

the  **  Monumenta  Germanise  Historica"  of  Pertz. 
Chronicon  Radulphi  Nigri,  cum  continuatione  per  anonymum,  in 

Vol.    27   of  the  "Monumenta    Germanise    Historica"  of 

Pertz. 
Excerpta    ex    otiis    Imperialibus    Gervasii    Tileburiensis :    ed. 

Stevenson  ;  R.S. 
The  Archives  of  the  City  of  Dublin  :  ed.  Gilbert ;  R.S. 
Annales   Buelliani,   in   the    "  Rerum   Hibernicarum  Scriptores 

Veteres  :  "  ed.  O'Conor,  1814. 


LIST  OF  EDITIONS.  209 

An  Anglo-Norman  Poem  on  the  Conquest  of  Ireland  by  Heniy 
II.  :  ed.  Michel  and  Thomas  Wright,  Pickering,  1837. 

Maurice  Regan's  History  of  Ireland :  Trans,  [in  abstract]  by 
Carew,  1757. 

The  Annals  of  the  Kingdom  of  Ireland  by  the  Four  Masters : 
Trans,  and  ed.  O'Donovan. 

The  Annals  of  Innisfallen  (from  the  notes  in  the  above). 

The  Annals  of  Loch  Ce  :  ed.  and  trans.  Hennessy  ;  R.S. 

The  Annals  of  Ireland  :  ed.  O'Clery. 

The  Annals  of  Ireland  :  Trans,  and  ed.  Connellan  and  Mac 
Dermott. 

The  Syllabus  of  Rymer's  Foedera  :  ed.  Hardy,  Record  Edition. 

The  Martyrology  of  Donegal  by  Michael  O'Clery  :  Irish  Archaeo- 
logical Society. 

Acta  Sanctorum  Hiberniae  by  Colgan  :  Louvain,  1645. 

The  Irish  Histories  of  Spencer,  Campion,  Hanmer,  and  Marle- 
borrough  :  Dublin,  1809. 

The  Calendar  of  Documents  relating  to  Ireland  :  ed.  Sweetman  ; 
R.S. 


-J 


Date  Due 

f) 

BOSTON  COLLEGE 


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